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May 2006
Preschool plan's a tax ripoff
The ill-conceived Prop. 82 would impose an unfair and unreliable tax to pay for a program the state doesn't need.
By Michael J. Boskin
MICHAEL J. BOSKIN, chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisors from 1989 to 1993, is a professor of economics at Stanford University and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution.
LATimes.com
May 28, 2006


PROPOSITION 82, which would tax "the rich" to finance universal preschool for 4-year-olds, is deceptively appealing. But don't be fooled. It is bad for California. It is bad spending policy, bad governance and bad tax policy, and it would seriously damage the state's economy.

Proposition 82 is the latest in a string of terrible initiatives that seek to micromanage the state by creating unnecessary, inefficient, multibillion-dollar programs financed by ever-higher tax rates. Two years ago, it was Proposition 63, which slapped a 1% tax increase on those who make more than $1 million a year to pay for expanding mental health services. The list of what people would like if someone else were forced to pay for it is endless. These kinds of initiatives, if passed, could lay waste to the Golden State, turning it into a stagnant economy and a sick society.

California already has the highest sales and incomes taxes in the country. Now, Proposition 82 would raise the state's top personal tax rate to more than twice that of "Taxachusetts."

Why is this such a bad idea? Because in today's economy, more and more people and more and more businesses enjoy a wide range of options as to where they will locate, so it is important to keep tax rates not only at a reasonable absolute level but also in line with California's major competitors for business and jobs.

California's tax system already makes it economically uncompetitive in many areas, and Proposition 82 would considerably worsen the problem.

If the new 1.7% tax rate were only going to affect individuals earning more than $400,000 and married couples earning more than $800,000, that would be bad enough. But most of California's small businesses are sole proprietorships, partnerships and S-corporations, which pay taxes on the same 540 schedules you and I use. Thus, the proposed Proposition 82 tax hike would hit them as well, depriving them of income they could use to hire workers, raise pay, provide benefits and invest in their future.

These are the small businesses that are so important for job growth in California. If anything, the state should be moving in the opposite direction, toward a broader-based, lower-rate, flatter, fairer and simpler income tax.

Initiatives such as Proposition 82 promote bad governance. Proponents of the initiative say the new tax would raise about $2.6 billion each year once it is fully in place. But such revenue projections are highly debatable. State tax revenues have surged recently, largely led by higher revenues at the top end of the income spectrum. Small businesses and "the rich" are paying more taxes because of the booming economy and stock market. A sizable chunk of the tax windfall has come from Google workers exercising stock options and investors generally cashing in capital gains.

But we know this is not sustainable. Relying on an unstable revenue source from a narrow segment of the population (the top 10% of taxpayers already pay 70% of income taxes) is only asking for boom-bust funding cycles such as the state experienced from 1999 to 2002. Then, revenues soared, the governor and the Legislature approved programs that spent the higher revenue and more, and radical action had to be taken. The governor was recalled and a fiscal rescue plan was adopted to prevent the state from sliding into fiscal chaos as its bond rating fell below that of Puerto Rico's.

Responsible social programs must be carefully designed, preferably by the regular legislative process, to target high-risk, needy people. They achieve their goals with little correlative damage. That's true for mental health, preschool or anything else. Ballot initiatives should set broad goals, such as establishing overall levels of taxes and spending. They should not aim to micromanage every program and tax, eventually rendering the governor and Legislature moot.

Nothing is more ill-conceived than creating a new government bureaucracy to hand out subsidies to middle-income and rich people to pay for services they already are getting — and financing the whole scheme with huge tax increases on small businesses and successful entrepreneurs. It is as if the 20th century never happened or democratic market economies did not succeed in the battle of ideas with state bureaucracy and central planning. The high-tax, public-sector-run East Coast cities and the high-tax, welfare-state Western European economies offer one version of the future: economic stagnation, double-digit unemployment and socioeconomic ossification. Unfortunately, that could happen in California too, if initiatives such as Proposition 82 are passed by voters.

A Last Goliath: America’s Public Education System
By Dan Lips
The Heritage Foundation
May 26, 2006

In his new book An Army of Davids Glenn Reynolds (a.k.a Instapundit) explains how markets and technology are empowering ordinary people at the expense of big institutions. America’s public education system is one such Goliath, and Reynolds’s book is a source of optimism and several important lessons for those seeking better educational options. 

One lesson is that as society changes, what people want from institutions changes. America’s public school system is a case in point. It was created during the Industrial Revolution, which, to Reynolds, was a period of “big organizations doing big things.” As parents left the farm and headed to the factories, children were shuffled into “education factories… organized, quite explicitly, to mimic factories and assembly lines, with students envisioned as products.”

In the 21st century, the sun is setting on the era of factories and assembly lines, and it makes sense to question the prevailing public education model, too. Just as products across the spectrum are being tailored to people’s individual tastes, one-size-fits-all schooling seems antiquated. More and more, parents are seeking out new educational options that appeal to their particular circumstances.

Trends are converging that make dramatic reform of the current system more likely. Technology gives people the flexibility to work from home and to find new ways to balance professional and family life. No longer, then, is it a given that schools have to perform the function of daycare for students with working parents. As more parents have the ability to spend more time at home, they can seek new ways for their children to receive instruction outside of traditional brick-and-mortar schools. Virtual schools, online education, and other new technologies could play a big role in the future of American education.

But innovative learning tools and delivery mechanisms are just one area where technology is shaping the climate for reform. Today, parents have access to a wealth of information about America’s public schools that was completely unavailable just a decade ago.
All one has to do is visit the Standard and Poors website
www.SchoolMatters.com, which aims to give “policymakers, educators, and parents the tools they need to make better-informed decisions that improve student performance.” From test scores to budgets to teacher qualifications, SchoolMatters.com provides extensive information about almost every public school and school district in the country. This website-and others such as GreatSchools.net and RateMyTeacher.com-are giving parents unprecedented access to information about their children’s schools.

With all of this information at hand, it’s only a matter of time before parents demand to control more of the decisions of their children’s education. Taxpayers invest more than $100,000 on a typical American student enrolled in public school from kindergarten through 12th grade. As the education marketplace continues to expand-with growing numbers of charter schools, tutoring companies, and other education providers offering new services-parents will seek to take a more active role in deciding how their children’s share of public education funding is spent. After browsing the bounty of Ebay and Amazon, Americans have become hooked on the variety and choice that the Internet offers them as consumers. It’s taking a bit longer, but the same thing is happening in education.

Applying the dynamism of the marketplace to America’s education system could produce sweeping changes. We’ve already seen what allowing parental choice into one sector of public education can produce. Since 1994, expanded parental choice in education has driven the creation of more than 3,600 charter schools that now educate more than a million students. Charters-America’s next-generation public schools-offer some of the most innovative instructional models in the country. Importantly, like any business, charter schools wouldn’t exist unless parents made an active decision to enroll their children there.

To use Glenn Reynolds’ analogy, parents have long been Davids facing a Goliath in America’s public education system. But they are now gaining the power to take greater control over their children’s education. As Reynolds writes, “Let the Goliaths beware.”

Dan Lips is Education Analyst at the Heritage Foundation, www.Heritage.org.

Education Next: Students Achieve More With Teachers Who Take Personal Responsibility for Student Learning


STANFORD, Calif.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--May 25, 2006--Teachers who take personal responsibility for student learning can improve student achievement, according to Laura LoGerfo, an education researcher at the Urban Institute. Her peer-reviewed study of first-grade teachers reveals that students with a highly responsible teacher can see a 3 percent increase in their yearly achievement gain.


LoGerfo found that teachers who believe that children should know basic reading skills before reaching first grade are less likely to hold themselves accountable for student learning. And she found that the less financially well-off a teacher's students are, the less responsibility the teacher takes for their learning.

Surprisingly, teacher certification and experience, two of the cornerstones of NCLB's "highly qualified" teacher requirement, were not determiners of committed teachers. In fact, teachers who have completed more coursework in education showed a slightly weaker sense of responsibility than those with less coursework.

Supportive administrative leadership made a substantial difference as to whether teachers held themselves accountable for student learning. Teachers in small schools with less than a 50 percent minority enrollment had a greater sense of responsibility for student learning; teachers in Catholic schools showed a higher commitment than their public school counterparts.

LoGerfo defined teacher responsibility as a willingness by the teacher to accept blame for students' negative outcomes as well as credit for positive outcomes.

"Rather than attribute poor grades or low test scores to faults within students or deficits in their backgrounds, responsible teachers attribute much of the cause to their own efforts and behavior," explains LoGerfo.

For her study, LoGerfo drew on data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study -- Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K), the only national data set that links information on teachers' attitudes to student outcomes. It is based on periodic surveys that track information on a nationally representative sample of elementary school students, their teachers, and the 1,280 public and private schools they attend.

Read about how teachers who take responsibility for student outcomes make a difference in "Climb Every Mountain" in the summer issue of Education Next (www.educationnext.org).

Laura LoGerfo is a research associate at the Urban Institute's Education Policy Center in Washington, D.C.

Education Next is a scholarly journal published by the Hoover Institution that is committed to looking at hard facts about school reform. Other sponsoring institutions are the Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance and the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation.

Arkansas shows improvement in school standards comparisons
Wednesday, May 24, 2006
Arkansas News Bureau

LITTLE ROCK - Arkansas' standards for measuring student proficiency in reading and math have dramatically improved in recent years, a state-by-state report card that an education group released Tuesday showed.

The Hoover Institution's report card gives Arkansas a B-minus for the strength of its standards, a 10.8 percent change from the state's ranking a year ago.

The report is included in the institution's journal, Education Next.

The report says Arkansas "significantly boosted" proficiency standards, joined by Montana, Texas and Wisconsin as states that were most improved.

The state's grade last year was a C-plus. It received a B-plus for fourth-grade math, C for fourth-grade reading, and Bs for eighth-grade math and reading.

The grades were determined by comparing student performance on statewide benchmark tests to results from a national test known as the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP).

The report's authors said in a news release that some states provide a misleading impression of their accomplishments by grading students against low standards. Others with high standards may be misrepresented as well, it said.

The authors said the comparison of state and national scores allows a check of "truth in advertising" when considering the rigor of state standards.

"We're pleased that the scores were as high as they were for Arkansas," said Julie Thompson, spokeswoman for the state Department of Education. "We knew from the NAEP results last fall that our benchmark scores and the NAEP scores are tracking in the same direction. We think this validates that for us."

Neighboring Oklahoma and Tennessee both received Fs because, according to the report, student performance on state tests were much higher than NAEP scores would justify.

D-minuses went to Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, West Virginia and North Carolina.

Massachusetts, Maine, South Carolina, Wyoming, Missouri and the District of Columbia all earned As.


 Education Next: How Do Your State's Math and Reading Standards Measure Up?


STANFORD, Calif.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--May 23, 2006--Once again, Education Next editors Paul E. Peterson and Frederick M. Hess have taken out their green shades to grade states' standards. In their latest assessment, they use objective information to find out which states are currently setting high educational standards and which are not.


No Child Left Behind (NCLB) requires all students to be "proficient" in math and reading by 2014 but allows each state to determine its own level of proficiency. Some states are leaving their citizens with a misleading impression of their accomplishments by grading students against low standards, while those states that have high standards may suffer by comparison.

Peterson and Hess first revealed this discrepancy a year ago ("Johnny Can Read . . . in Some States," Education Next, summer 2005) by comparing states' passing percentages on their math and reading tests with their passing percentages on the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP). Now, the Education Next editors have issued a new "report card" for each state.

Find out who the A students are this year . . . and who are the loafers. Read "Grade Inflation: Keeping an Eye on State Standards" in the summer issue of Education Next.

"We are not evaluating state tests, nor are we grading states on the performance of their students," explain Peterson and Hess. "We are checking for 'truth in advertising,' investigating whether state-announced proficiency levels mean what they say."

This year, a total of 48 states were assessed, including 9 new ones. In the good news category, a handful of states have kept their standards rigorous for a second consecutive year, each assessing their own performance on a particularly tough curve. Massachusetts, South Carolina, Wyoming, Maine, and Missouri once again earned As.

Montana topped all others as the nation's most improved state, and Texas, Arkansas, and Wisconsin significantly boosted their proficiency standards over last year.

The bad news is that some states that had been in good standing are letting their standards slide. The biggest decline was in Arizona, with significant drops (in order of magnitude) in Maryland, Ohio, North Dakota, and Idaho.

In the "cream puff" category, states with already low standards have done nothing to raise them. Oklahoma and Tennessee both earned Fs because their self-reported performance is much higher than can be justified by the NAEP results. States with nearly equally embarrassing D minuses included Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, West Virginia, and North Carolina.

To learn your state's grade and how it was graded, go to http://www.educationnext.org/20063/28.html.

Paul E. Peterson, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, is the editor in chief of Education Next and director of the Program on Education Policy and Governance at Harvard University. Frederick M. Hess, an executive editor of Education Next, is director of education policy studies and a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and coauthor of the new book No Child Left Behind: A Primer (2006).

Education Next is a scholarly journal published by the Hoover Institution that is committed to looking at hard facts about school reform. Other sponsoring institutions are the Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance and the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation.


 

 
Keeping an Eye on State Standards
By Frederick M. Hess, Paul E. Peterson
Posted: Tuesday, May 23, 2006
 
ARTICLES
Education Next  (Summer 2006) 
Publication Date: May 24, 2006


 While No Child Left Behind (NCLB) requires all students to be “proficient” in math and reading by 2014, the precedent-setting 2002 federal law also allows each state to determine its own level of proficiency. It’s an odd discordance at best. It has led to the bizarre situation in which some states achieve handsome proficiency results by grading their students against low standards, while other states suffer poor proficiency ratings only because they have high standards.

  
Resident Scholar Frederick M. Hess  
A year ago, we first sought to quantify this discrepancy (“Johnny Can Read . . . in Some States,” features, Summer 2005), showing which states were upholding rigorous standards and which were not.

We return to the subject now, with the latest available data, to update our ratings. The standard we again use is the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), the nation’s “report card,” and still the only metric that allows strict comparisons between states. For each state where both NAEP and state accountability measures were available, we computed a score based on the difference between the percentage of students said to be proficient by the state and the percentage identified as proficient on the NAEP in years 2003 and 2005.

We are not evaluating state tests, nor are we grading states on the performance of their students. Instead, we are checking for “truth in advertising,” investigating whether the proficiency levels mean what they say. We are thus able to ascertain whether states lowered the bar for student proficiency as the full panoply of NCLB provisions took effect.

When we conducted the first of our checkups on the rigor of the standards, we gave each state the same kind of grade students receive. Where the requisite information was available, states with the highest standards were given an A; those with the lowest standards, an F. Last year, the requisite data were available for only 40 states. This time around, 48 states have been graded, including nine “new” states providing the necessary information for the first time (see  Figure 1). While the fact that these nine are now in compliance with NCLB is a laudable accomplishment, it is not clear how committed they are to the enterprise: among the nine, only the District of Columbia and New Mexico scored a grade higher than C, and Nebraska, Utah, Iowa, Oregon, and Nevada could do no better than a mediocre C or D. The first grades garnered by Alabama, Nebraska, and West Virginia were D minuses. Clearly, student proficiency has entirely different meanings in different parts of the country.

Grading Procedure

In 2003 and 2005, both state and NAEP tests were given in math and reading for 4th-grade students. The grades reported here are based on the comparison of state and NAEP proficiency scores in 2005, and changes for each are calculated relative to 2003. For each available test we computed the difference between the percentage of students who were proficient on the NAEP and the percentage reported to be proficient on the state’s own tests for the same year. We also computed the standard deviation for this difference. We then determined how many standard deviations each state’s difference was above or below the average difference on each test. As with last year, the scale for the grades was set so that if grades had been randomly assigned, 10 percent of the states would earn As, 20 percent Bs, 40 percent Cs, 20 percent Ds, and 10 percent Fs. Each state’s grade is based on how much easier it was to be labeled proficient on the state assessment as compared with the NAEP. For example, on the 4th-grade math test in 2005, South Carolina reported that 41 percent of its students had achieved proficiency, but 36 percent were proficient on the NAEP. The difference (41 percent - 36 percent = 5 percent) is about 1.4 standard deviations better than the average difference between the state test and the NAEP, which is 31 percent. This was good enough for South Carolina to earn an A for its standards in 4th-grade math. The overall grade for each state was determined by taking the average for the standard deviations on the tests for which the state reported proficiency percentages.
 
 

Meanwhile, five states that previously had their accountability systems in place are letting their standards slide. The biggest decline was in Arizona, with significant drops also found (in order of magnitude) in Maryland, Ohio, North Dakota, and Idaho. If parents in these states read that students are making great strides on state proficiency tests, they would be advised to consider the message with a healthy dose of skepticism. At least some of the reported student gains appear to be the product of gamesmanship.

In addition, states with already low standards have done nothing to raise them. Oklahoma and Tennessee once again share the cream puff award, with both states earning Fs because their self-reported performance is much higher than can be justified by the NAEP results. States with nearly equally embarrassing D minuses included Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Once again, we discover that Suzy could be a good reader in North Carolina, where standards are low, but a failure in neighboring South Carolina, where standards are higher.

Still, there are happier stories to tell. Montana is the most improved state. Others that have significantly boosted their proficiency standards relative to the NAEP include Texas, Arkansas, and Wisconsin.

Best of all, a handful of states continued to impress for a second consecutive year, grading their own performance on a particularly tough curve. Massachusetts, South Carolina, Wyoming, Maine, and Missouri all once again earned As, along with newcomer Washington, D.C.

Shining a light on the standards that states set is crucial, as it helps remind state officials that there is a right way and a wrong way to ace a test. Of course, having high standards is not enough. It is the crucial first step, but the next, and more difficult one, is to make sure that a high percentage of students reach that standard. In that regard, all states need to do much better, if no child is to be left behind.

Frederick M. Hess is a resident scholar and director of education policy studies at AEI. Paul E. Peterson is an editor of Education Next. Mark Linnen provided research assistance.


 
Center For Education Reform Newswire
Vol. 8, No. 27
May 23, 2006
CHARTERS

LONE STAR LOSS. The Charter School Policy Institute concluded in a recent report - and the media and opponents should take notice - that "it has fairly settled that public charter schools receive less funding" and "policy makers should consider this funding disparity when determining what impact charter schools have on the wider public education system." Scores of previous studies have found that charter schools are doing a better job of educating children, and doing so with less money. The Charter School Policy Institute report puts the funding issue to rest. The report shows that charter schools in Texas receive between 3.6% and 26.7% less funding than conventional public schools. An analysis of several previous studies, the report finds that charter schools are "at a significant financial disadvantage because they do not receive the small school adjustment received by similarly sized public schools." An earlier study claimed that the funding gap no longer existed, but that study was widely criticized for its methodology. The new studies find "the gap between the two school models pervasive, ranging from $313 to $2,992 per pupil."

OPENING DOORS. Last week, DC School Superintendent Clifford B. Janey announced his plan to close six of the city's failing and under-enrolled public schools.  And he opened the door for new and existing charter schools to find proper homes. "A school belongs in a school," said Patricia Mitchell, head of Academy of Learning Through the Arts, a charter school in Dupont circle. "I'd be happy to co-locate [in one of the discarded buildings] with another charter school." Many of the District's 51 charter schools are educating students in church basements, temporary facilities, or small commercial spaces. People like Monique S. Murdock - who will open Nia Community Public Charter School in August - hope to find a more fitting space in the soon-to-be-abandoned school buildings. Murdock is looking to move her school into MC Terrell Elementary, which is slated to be shuttered in August. Superintendent Janey's plan could help Murdock and charter school operators get what they need. Recognizing that these innovative schools serve 26 percent of the District student population, Janey proposed that charter schools get two of the school buildings set for closure and also asked that nine other school system facilities lease space to charter schools. While more space is still needed, with increasing numbers of families recognizing the value of charter schools and not willing to wait for failing public schools to improve, this plan is a start in giving charter schools some of the room they need to grow with public demand.

LEGAL EAGLES. Several major law firms have been supporting the efforts of charter schools in various lawsuits that have more to do with clearing up bureaucratic confusion than addressing educational concerns. One such law firm - Arnold & Porter - has been recognized as one of the top three firms in the nation for pro bono commitment, and at the top of their pro bono agenda are charter schools. Last week attorney Stuart Land helped The City Lights Charter School in Washington, DC stay open through the end of the school year. City Lights is a charter high school geared towards special education students with emotional and behavioral disabilities. The D.C. Board of Education had planned to cut off funding for a substantial number of the school's District residents, which it claimed did not have proof of residency. The move would have forced the school to close before the end of the school year and prevented 12 seniors from graduating. According to a release, Arnold & Porter worked with city administrators to document the students' residency and the D.C. authorities restored virtually all of the funding for those children. Thankfully there was someone to intervene.

ELECTIONS

REFORMERS ASCEND TO HIGHER PLACES. Onnie Shekerjian, who was featured recently in Newswire as a Newsmaker of the Week, is just the latest education reformer to take a shot at – and win – elected office. Onnie, who was a member of the State Board for Charter Schools in Arizona, won a seat on the Tempe City Council.

Other notable reformers who have preceded Onnie include Leah Vukmir, founder of Parents Raising Educational Standards in Schools (PRESS), a 1000-parent strong group that instigated reforms in Wisconsin's curriculum offering. Leah was a 1998 CER Unsung Hero who later ran for state legislature and won. Today she is chair of the Assembly's Committee on Education Reform. Former Newark city councilman and education reformer Cory Booker won his second attempt last week to become Mayor of Newark, New Jersey. Booker won by a landslide, pulling down 72 percent of the votes. In Philadelphia, Minority Appropriations Chair and co-author of the state's charter law Dwight Evans (also a CER Unsung Hero from '98) is making his bid for Mayor of the city of Brotherly Love. Ember Reichgott-Junge, former state legislator and author of Minnesota's charter law, is making a bid for retiring U.S. Representative Martin Sabo's seat in Congress. Legislative office can be tough, but it may be a cake walk for those well seasoned by starting schools or managing reform efforts.

SUPERINTENDENT OF CHOICE. June 13 could be a big day for school choice in South Carolina. That is the day of the GOP primary for state superintendent of education and the top two candidates are divided: Attorney Karen Floyd supports Gov. Mark Sanford's school choice plan, but Lexington businessman Bob Staton does not. Sanford's plan, which has been rejected by the legislature twice, would create $4,500 scholarships for children to escape failing public schools and enroll in private schools. Former superintendent Inez Tenenbaum, a Democrat, announced last year that she would not seek a third term. With just one Democrat running for the position, the results of the GOP primary could mean the possibility of another powerful voice in support of tax credits in the Palmetto State. "I'm for giving all parents a variety of reasonable and rational choices for their children's education," Floyd told The State. "A child should not have to suffer in an underperforming school just because their parents don't have real choices." I'm sure Governor Sanford will be listening and watching closely on June 13.


Strike Phobia
By Frederick M. Hess, Martin R. West
Posted: Tuesday, May 23, 2006
 
ARTICLES
Education Next  (Summer 2006) 
Publication Date: May 24, 2006 


 
 Four decades after collective bargaining came to public education, school boards and the superintendents they hire still routinely blame teacher unions for causing massive inefficiencies, stifling innovation, and preventing changes designed to promote student learning. “Our hands are tied,” school boards commonly complain when school budgets are debated or far-reaching reforms are proposed. Unacknowledged is that every contract provision--from the lockstep salary schedules that reward longevity over excellence to the rigid work rules that dictate the rhythms of school life--was agreed to by those very same school boards.

  
Resident Scholar Frederick M. Hess  
You don’t have to be a conspiracy theorist to wonder whether collective bargaining in education hasn’t become something more like collusion. In fact, the best evidence to support that position may be the steady decline in labor unrest. Despite some high-profile incidents--like the teacher “sick-out” which shut down 53 of Detroit’s 235 schools last spring--strikes by teachers have become increasingly rare since 1975, a high-water mark, when there were 241 nationwide. By 2004 there were just 15. During this same period, the number of public school teachers rose from 2.2 million to more than 3.1 million, several times the rate of increase of the students they serve, whose numbers edged up only slightly, from 44.8 million to 48.4 million.

The current era of labor peace is typically attributed to laws in 31 states barring teachers from striking and mandating mediation or binding arbitration procedures. In addition, both sides have gained negotiating experience. However, that’s not the whole story. Superintendents in cities like San Diego, Milwaukee, and Houston have reported being urged by civic officials, business leaders, and philanthropists to seek “consensus” and to “partner” with the local union.

Has all this labor peace actually been good for education? Is it perhaps time for some discord?

The suggestion at first seems absurd. Parents and the voting public frown on labor conflict and teachers’ strikes for good reason, not least among them the disruptions for family and schooling that are caused by even temporary school closings. Yet the public’s aversion to conflict, combined with the political heft of teacher unions, can make school boards unduly deferential to union demands.

Despite the National Education Association’s claims to be an advocate “for children and public education,” we should not expect unions at the bargaining table to be for anything but their own interests. Naturally enough, those interests favor existing arrangements, which protect jobs; limit the demands placed on members, including their accountability for student performance; and safeguard the privileges of senior teachers. Teachers who entered the profession under these rules and patiently served their time, waiting for the rewards of seniority, are understandably resistant to measures that would significantly alter pay scales, job protections, or work rules.

As Robert Barkley, former executive director of the Ohio Education Association, explained, “The fundamental and legitimate purposes of unions [are] to protect the employment interests of their members. It is the primary function of management to represent the basic interests of the enterprise: teaching and learning.”

These roles have been too often conflated.

What’s Good for the Goose … Is Good for the Goose

Collective bargaining agreements demonstrate the failure of school boards to fight for the interests of students and taxpayers, not to mention the prerogatives of sensible management. The contracts are long, complicated, and replete with both tediously detailed and needlessly ambiguous restrictions on administrators. The 199 collective bargaining agreements for teachers on file at the Bureau of Labor Statistics in January 2005 averaged 105 pages in length. And the topics covered in those pages extend far beyond bread-and-butter questions of salary and benefits; there are dozens of clauses covering a district’s ability to evaluate, transfer, terminate, and manage the workload of teachers, all having potentially serious effects on the management of schools and student achievement.

The Jefferson County, Kentucky, contract, for example, mandates that the district may not use student test scores “in any way to evaluate the work performance of employees unless they agree voluntarily.” Restrictions on matters as important as evaluations of teachers can also be maddeningly ambiguous. The Little Rock, Arkansas, contract, for instance, specifies: “An individual teacher’s lesson plan book shall be subject to the review of the principal at any time.” But then it clarifies: “Teachers shall not be required to make their lesson plan books available on a scheduled basis.”

Collective bargaining agreements also typically restrict the amount of time that teachers may be required to spend working with students, the number of students a teacher will instruct, and the number of lesson plans a teacher will prepare. In some cases they stipulate, as in Multnomah County, Oregon, that professional development “funds will be allocated based upon seniority of the unit members who make application,” thus converting these expenditures from a lever for school improvement into a perk for long-serving faculty.

Similarly, when it becomes necessary to fill a classroom vacancy or to remove an ineffective teacher, district officials are often hobbled by contract language. A 2005 study by the New Teacher Project, the national nonprofit organization that works with school districts to recruit high-quality teachers, examined five urban districts and concluded that seniority-based transfer privileges written into contracts often force principals “to hire large numbers of teachers they do not want and who may not be a good fit for the job and their school.” All but five states have laws giving teachers lifetime tenure after three years or less. While procedures for removing tenured teachers for “just cause” appear in most contracts, the available procedures are so burdensome that they are rarely used. A recent study of Illinois public schools found that, since 1986, an average of just two tenured teachers a year have been removed--in a state with more than 95,000 tenured teachers. The New Teacher Project report cited above found just four tenured teachers out of 70,000 fired for poor performance in the five districts studied.

Tellingly, teachers themselves agree that current policies on termination protect those who should not be in the schools. According to Public Agenda, 78 percent of teachers nationwide report that there are at least a few teachers in their school who “fail to do a good job and are simply going through the motions.” The same Public Agenda study quoted one New Jersey union representative: “I’ve gone in and defended teachers who shouldn’t even be pumping gas.” A Los Angeles union representative bragged, “If I’m representing them, it’s impossible to get them out. It’s impossible. Unless they commit a lewd act.” While such admissions may be startling, they highlight an important aspect of the union’s role: having been granted the exclusive right to represent teachers in the district, the union is legally bound to advocate for all of them. This obligation limits the capacity of unions to serve as partners in reform. 

Passive Implementation

Once negotiated, collective bargaining agreements do not implement themselves. And the manner in which superintendents, school boards, and district personnel interpret and apply the often ambiguous contract language has significantly aggravated the problem. As one former school-board member from a large urban district noted, “Too often school boards and superintendents complain that they cannot do something because of the teachers union contract. Often what they complained was restricted wasn’t actually prohibited … but might cause some political difficulties or raise some public issues.” Boards and their appointed administrators seemingly find it easier to sink into this “zone of ambiguity” than to take stands that may provoke visible unrest, negative publicity, or a work stoppage.

Some of management’s reticence is understandable. When a union believes that management actions violate contract terms, it typically files an appeal or a grievance in accordance with procedures spelled out in the contract. Critics of teacher unions assert that resources and specialized expertise give the union a pronounced advantage in the ensuing proceedings. A striking example of union capacity is the National Education Association’s UniServ system, a nationwide network of 1,650 full-time and 200 part-time NEA employees who provide guidance to local affiliates on matters such as negotiations and grievance resolution. The NEA itself touts the UniServ program as “a vast cadre of human resources,” on which it spent some $50 million in 2001, but it also attempts to downplay the system’s impact, saying that each employee has multiple responsibilities and works with multiple districts. What UniServ offers, union proponents claim, pales beside the legal, staff, and budgetary resources available to school boards.

In truth, unions seem to navigate the grievance process more adroitly than district officials, but that is only partly due to resources. It is also because they aggressively exploit contract language, while school boards and superintendents are often more interested in avoiding confrontation than in asserting managerial prerogatives.


Increasing Capacity

Finally, we must recognize that school boards are relatively weak governing bodies, composed of part-timers with other obligations, limited expertise, and little incentive to engage in contentious negotiations. A 2001 National School Boards Association survey found that most school-board members are unpaid, devote fewer than ten hours a week to board-related business, and have served on the board for five years or less. It is asking a lot to expect these part-timers, even with the aid of experienced attorneys, to go toe-to-toe with seasoned union leaders in the kind of public controversy engendered by a contract standoff. Board positions need to be made more attractive and augmented with research and staff support, or districts need to move toward alternative forms of governance in which the costs of inefficiency and lagging achievement become intolerable.

Above all, school-board members and those who elect them must never lose sight of the fact that collective bargaining is an adversarial process. Ironically, the current crop of teacher union leaders seem less like such labor lions as Samuel Gompers and Walter Reuther and more like Charlie Wilson, the imperial president of General Motors. “What’s good for GM is good for the country,” Wilson blithely remarked in testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee a half century ago. The National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers have long argued that what is good for America’s teachers is good for America’s children--and, by implication, for America itself. The willingness of too many superintendents, school boards, and legislators to act as if this were true has been a crippling handicap for America’s schools. It is time to move beyond utopian dreams, or overwrought efforts to goad unions into good behavior, and to recognize that labor strife may be the birth pains of real school reform.

Collaborative Union Leaders Get Lauded--and Unseated

Union leaders are rarely voted out of office, and when they are, the reasons aren’t always clear. There is anecdotal evidence, though, that those union officials who seek to professionalize teaching, or partner with districts in reform efforts, are risking a challenge from hard-liners in the ranks.
 
Six years ago, for instance, Cincinnati Federation of Teachers President Rick Beck agreed to a modest merit-pay experiment, only to be ousted the following April by a challenger who opposed the plan. The new policy would have eventually based teachers’ salaries in part on evaluations by the principal and a number of outside evaluators hired by the district. It had won the support of even the most die-hard opponents of market-based reforms. New York Times columnist Richard Rothstein wrote, “A radical experiment in teacher pay here could become a national model if successful.” He concluded, “Cincinnati’s experiment is the one to watch.” But in the next leadership election campaign, Susan Taylor accused Beck of failing to protect teachers and argued that the experiment should be curtailed. Taylor claimed the presidency in a landslide, winning 78 percent of the vote.
 
Similar circumstances led to the ouster of the union chief in Hartford, Connecticut. After they were taken over by the state in 1997, the Hartford Public Schools won widespread acclaim as an example of effective management and labor collaboration. The Hartford Federation of Teachers even served in 2001 as host of a national American Federation of Teachers (AFT) conference on collaborating with school management to improve failing schools. It turned out, though, that a lot of Hartford teachers weren’t happy with their union’s playing the role of partner. As one teacher, Joe Troiano, asked in a Hartford Courant article, “Does it really cost almost $700 a year [in dues] to say ‘yes, yes’ to administration?” In 2002, incumbent union president Edwin Vargas was defeated by challenger Tim Murphy. Murphy had previously served as Hartford Federation of Teachers (HFT) president from 1978 to 1986, a conflict-ridden period marked by troubled school performance. Murphy reclaimed the presidency by promising to advocate more for the interests of teachers. “I will not allow what happened to Ed Vargas to happen to me,” Murphy told the Courant.
 
A palace coup felled United Educators of San Francisco President Kent Mitchell and his cabinet in 2003, when the union’s secretary, Dennis Kelly, and his colleagues took over the office, winning 60 percent of the vote. Union insiders said that Mitchell lost because he had become too close to district administrators.
 
Mitchell admitted to the San Francisco Chronicle, “It would seem that the membership has decided that they would prefer a more confrontational approach.”
 
Ironically, Mitchell had claimed the presidency as a challenger himself; in 1997, he had defeated Joan Shelley, who had been president for more than a decade until--as a San Francisco Chronicle May 1997 article put it--she was thought to have “grown too cozy with the district’s management.” 


Universal Preschool Is No Panacea
By Dan Lips
The Heritage Foundation
May 19, 2006


On June 6th, Californians will go to the polls to consider a new ballot initiative-Universal Preschool for All-that could have implications for taxpayers, families, and four-year-olds across the nation. Backers claim that universal preschool will improve public education in America. Much research suggests otherwise.

Proposition 82 would provide state funding for all four-year-olds in California to attend preschool. The Golden State already spends more than $3 billion per year to send low-income children to preschool. The new program, scheduled to cost more than $2 billion annually, would spread these subsidies to middle- and upper-income families.

The California initiative is representative of a national trend. States across the country are looking to early education programs to improve student performance. According to the Education Commission of the States, 40 states and Washington, D.C., fund pre-K programs. Georgia and Oklahoma offer universal pre-K to all four-year-olds regardless of family need. The advocacy group “Pre-K Now” reports that 24 governors have proposed expanding their states’ preschool programs. For instance, Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich (D) is supporting a plan to subsidize universal voluntary preschool for all three- and four-year-olds in the state.

Backers of universal preschool assert that early education is a sure-fire way to boost student achievement. Their theory is that investments in early education ensure that students enter grade school ready to learn, leading to lasting improvement in student performance.

But the case for universal preschool does not hold up to serious scrutiny. Researchers Darcy Olsen and Lisa Snell surveyed the research on early education polices in a new report for the Reason Foundation titled Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten: Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers, and Policymakers. What they found should make universal preschool advocates think twice.
“We find strong evidence that widespread adoption of preschool and full-day kindergarten is unlikely to improve student achievement,” Olsen and Snell write. “For nearly 50 years, local, state, and federal governments and diverse private sources have spent billions of dollars funding early education programs. Many early interventions have had meaningful short-term effects on grade-level retention and special education placement. However, the effects of early interventions routinely disappear after children leave the programs.”


Olsen and Snell draw a few important lessons from the research. This first concerns what’s called “fade out.” While early education programs may benefit some student groups (such as disadvantaged children) in the short run, these benefits disappear over time. For example, a February 2006 study by UC Santa Barbara researchers shows that the moderate gains made by children who attended preschool disappear by third grade. A study conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics comparing the benefits of half-day and full-day kindergarten also found that the benefits faded out by third grade.

Second, Olsen and Snell’s report questions whether universal programs are necessary for children from middle- and upper-income families. “The studies conducted on mainstream children generally do not show benefits from early education programs,” they explain, pointing to a 2005 RAND Corporation analysis which found that “children participating in preschool not targeted to disadvantaged children were no better off in terms of high school or college completion, earnings, or criminal justice involvement than those not going to any preschool.” While slim research evidence points to benefits for disadvantaged children, giving subsidies to middle- and upper-class children is just not justified by research.

A third lesson is that early education can actually be harmful to some children’s social development. A 2005 study of 14,000 kindergarteners-conducted by researchers from Stanford University and the University of California-found that long hours spent in preschool negatively impacted the social skills of white, middle-class children. “The report’s a bit sobering for governors and mayors-including those in California, Florida, New York, North Carolina, and Oklahoma-who are getting behind universal preschool,” explained UC Berkley sociologist Bruce Fuller, a co-author of the report.

Of course, the mixed research evidence is only one factor to consider before jumping on the universal preschool bandwagon. Voters and families should consider other important questions. Should families be encouraged to deliver their children into government care at such an early age? Is the next step making preschool mandatory, as some politicians have suggested? What are the costs-to families, stay-at-home moms, and child-care providers-of replacing the current child-care system with a government-subsidized program?

Campaign commercials make it sound like a vote for universal preschool is a vote to improve children’s futures. But the truth is more complex. California voters-and families around the country-should look at the research evidence on universal preschool and make up their own minds.

Dan Lips is policy analyst for education at the Heritage Foundation, www.Heritage.org .

For more information on universal preschool research, see:

“Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten: Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers and Policymakers,” By Darcy Olsen, Goldwater Institute, and Lisa Snell, Reason Foundation, May 2006

“No Magic Bullet: Top Ten Myths about Government-Run Universal Preschool,” by Lance Izumi and Xiaochin Claie Yan, Pacific Research Institute, May 2006.


IT’S NOT THE MONEY
Debbie Smith
Executive Director
P.A.T.H.S. Through School Choice
May 18, 2006


We hear constantly that what our failing public schools need is more money.  We have come to accept that schools lack financial resources and therefore expect to see such things as fundraising bake sales for public schools.  Even the National Education Association purports “a lack of resources in classrooms across the country.”  Yes, we all buy into the hype surrounding the lack of money in our public schools.

However, the data regarding per pupil spending and student achievement tell another story.  Jay Greene, in his book, Education Myths, reports that while average per pupil spending has been on the increase, student achievement scores remain flat.  According to the U.S. Department of Education, National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) scores documented for the past 30 years illustrate that while spending has doubled, scores in reading, math, and science have remained essentially unchanged.

With the upcoming review of the state’s education budget legislators will again hear cries of poverty.  Yet, legislators should not be swayed, they should instead review how and where financial resources in education are being used – this will be the beginning of real reform in our public schools.  

Center for Education Reform
Vol. 8, No. 26
May 16, 2006


AIRING THE NEWS. First 20/20, then Oprah and Newsweek - and now 60 Minutes has joined the parade of major media outlets highlighting charter school success. Sunday night's episode of 60 Minutes went to Harlem, NY, where Geoffrey Canada is rebuilding a 60-block area of the city he has dubbed "The Harlem Children's Zone." The key to his renewal project is The Promise Academy, a charter school with state-of-the-art facilities and a 1-to-6 teacher-to-student ratio. "If your child comes to this school, we will guarantee that we will get your child into college," Canada pledged in a speech. The school takes in some of the most troubled children in New York City. Thanks to donations from major wealth holders who believe in Canada's vision, the school is housed in a $42 million facility and has a longer school day and only three weeks of summer vacation, and many of the kids choose to come to school on Saturday. The Promise Academy started as a 200-student school for kindergarteners and sixth graders, but will expand each year to teach as much as 2,300 students in K-12. And the neighborhood parents already know how important the school is as they line up for the school's lottery. 60 Minutes correspondent Ed Bradley even noted, "parents watch as the wheel spins for the highest stakes possible, their child's future." Anyone wondering if Canada's heart is really in his project couldn't have had any doubt when he choked back tears to say, "After my first lottery, I said, we're gonna have to open more schools. You sit there and watch those parents, it's the saddest thing I've seen. It really is."

STANDARDS & ACCOUNTABILITY

BLAMING THE TEST. Educational excellence took a step backward last week as a California judge suspended the state's high school exit exam. The exam, which tests students' basic math and English skills, is part of a greater accountability system set up to ensure that students graduating from schools in The Golden State are meeting a minimum standard. In order to graduate, a student must pass the exam, which is based on highly regarded and often copied standards developed almost ten years ago in the wake of data that showed California students ranking at the bottom, above only Mississippi, in student achievement. The standards and corresponding assessments have caused an upward trajectory in student learning. But such facts either are not the concern of the judicial system or are irrelevant to the judge who ruled an exit exam is unfair because of "inequities in the California education system." Students who failed now wonder if they'll graduate; those who passed will wonder why they bothered. "It is by no means fatal to the California accountability system if this gets postponed another year," Williamson Evers of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University told the San Jose Mercury News. But if delayed for many years, "that will break down the reform effort. If we keep postponing it, no one will take it seriously." And if California's public school system keeps graduating students who are still functionally illiterate, who will take it seriously?

NCLB COUNTS. Much has been made over the last month about an Associated Press report which found that nearly 2 million mostly minority students' test scores were not being reported in yearly progress under No Child Left Behind. Opponents of the law have used the report to start a campaign against testing and accountability. However, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle are working to ensure that all students are counted so that schools, teachers and their students can truly be held accountable for results. The House Education and the Workforce Committee plans to hold a hearing and Secretary Spellings is already looking into the issue. As for the opponents who have pounced on the chance to tear down NCLB, New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein responded in the New York Post: "I've never met a law that couldn't improve. But to criticize the heart of No Child Left Behind is to refuse to take responsibility for the achievement gap - the most serious civil-rights, social, and economic crisis facing America today."

PASSPORT TO LEARN. The American Board for Certification of Teacher Excellence (ABCTE) released a study last week of its "Passport to Teaching" program showing that teachers who have passed their exams produce higher student learning gains than teachers who failed. The study, "Student Achievement and Passport to Teaching Certification in Elementary Education," used 77 teachers in Tennessee to gauge results. By looking at standardized tests in Tennessee, the only state to link student learning with teacher performance, ABCTE saw that teachers who passed both the ABCTE Multiple Subject Exam and the Professional Teaching Knowledge Exam produced greater gains in their students' math, science, and social studies learning than those who failed one or both of the tests. Herbert Walberg of Stanford University, who was on the technical advisory committee for the study declared, "This report is valid and pioneering. It is the first study of its kind that links a teacher certification examination to student achievement in the classroom." While the study's sample size was small, as participation in the program increases ABCTE will also work with Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. to show continued evidence of results.

PC textbooks full of skewed history
California has tinkered with the past in a foolish attempt to make students feel good about themselves.
By Diane Ravitch, DIANE RAVITCH is a historian of education at New York University, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and author of "The Language Police: How Pressure Groups Restrict What Students Learn."
May 16, 2006
LATIMES.COM


TWENTY YEARS AGO, I was invited by then-State Superintendent of Public Instruction Bill Honig to join a committee to revise California's history curriculum. Over 18 months, we produced a document that added more time for the study of American and world history and called for the teaching of the dramatic controversies that make historical study engaging and honest.

Immediately, however, a wide variety of religious, racial and ethnic groups demanded changes in the document to recognize and honor their history. Blacks, Jews, Native Americans, conservative Christians, Arabs, atheists, Armenians, Poles and others lined up to complain at public hearings about references to their groups.

What made their complaints powerful is that California, unlike any other state, has mandated by law since 1976 that instructional materials used in the schools must provide positive portrayals of specified groups.


When it comes to males and females, for instance, the Legislature decreed that "equal portrayal must be applied in every instance." That means, among other things, that an equal number of male and female characters must be depicted in "roles in which they are mentally and physically active, being creative, solving problems … " and that male and female characters in textbooks must show a "range of emotions (e.g. fear, anger, tenderness.)"

California's textbooks and other materials must instill a "sense of pride" in students' heritages and may not include "adverse reflection" on any group. Cultural or lifestyle differences may not be portrayed as "undesirable." Members of minority groups must be shown "in the same range of socioeconomic settings" as those in the majority.

And it's not just gender and ethnicity that is "protected." Older people, people with disabilities and people who pursue various occupations have been written into the law.

So it's not surprising that in recent months gays and lesbians have stepped forward to demand a place at the state's capacious table. They too want their roles to be portrayed positively in textbooks purchased by the state. And frankly, they've got a point. In view of the state's broad inclusion of every other group in its list of those deserving such treatment, the state has no principled reason to exclude any new claimant.

Just a few months ago, Hindu organizations appeared before the state Board of Education complaining that they were offended by references to their religion in the history textbooks — including descriptions of the caste system and depictions of the treatment of women (one group wanted a reference to the fact that women had "fewer" rights in ancient India changed to say that women had "different" rights). Even though scholars insisted that the historical references were accurate, the organizations objected that their religion had been subjected to an "adverse reflection."

Because of its social-content guidelines, California will never see an end to these rancorous debates about who wins recognition in the textbooks. And each time, whatever California decides will have a huge effect. Because California contains nearly 12% of U.S. school enrollment, every major textbook publisher tailors its products to meet the state's specifications and then sells that product in other states.

It is time to recognize that the problem is not the nature of the group demanding inclusion, but the fact that the state has arrogated the power to dictate how textbooks should be written.

The state's social-content guidelines should be abolished. They put the state Board of Education into the absurd position of deciding which facts are historically accurate and which should be included or excluded, a responsibility for which it is manifestly unqualified. The guidelines are an open invitation to interest groups to politicize textbooks.

Telling publishers that their books must instill pride only guarantees a phony version of feel-good history. Publishers, as a result, bend over backward to be positive, whether writing about the genocidal reign of Mao Tse-tung (presumably to avoid offending his admirers) or the unequal treatment of women in Islamic societies (to avoid offending Muslims).

Certainly, textbooks should accurately portray society in all its complexity. But to impose contemporary political requirements on how the events are portrayed only ensures that the history we teach our students is inaccurate and dishonest. History books have already grown larger and duller to accommodate every group's demands.

What the state should expect of publishers is that they produce books that are as honest and accurate as possible. Such narratives would be far likelier to instill humility, a recognition of human folly, an understanding of conflict and differences and a sense of our common humanity rather than a sense of pride.


Expanding Educational Options – The DC Opportunity Scholarship Program
US Department of Education
May 15, 2006
Vol. IV, No. 7

Shirley Hayes understands the importance of choice in education. Ms. Hayes chose her career path early, deciding as a little girl that she would grow up to be a teacher. Ms. Hayes spent much of her professional life as a principal or, in her words, “a teacher with a larger audience,” at Park View Elementary, a public school in Northwest Washington, DC. After 23 years, Ms. Hayes chose to leave Park View to venture to the east side of the city and into the realm of private education, becoming the principal of Nannie Helen Burroughs, a religiously affiliated elementary school. After arriving there, Ms. Hayes was pleased to learn that many of her former students were enrolling their children and grandchildren at Nannie Helen Burroughs because they trusted her as a school leader. But Ms. Hayes also knew that many more of her former students did not have a choice for where they could send their children to be educated because their income levels could not support private school tuition. Now, 12 years later, Ms. Hayes is proud that her school is one of 68 private schools in Washington, DC, accepting children through the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program, the nation's first federally funded initiative to provide low-income students with scholarships to attend private elementary and secondary schools.

Congress created this five-year pilot program in January 2004 through the District of Columbia School Choice Incentive Act of 2003. The Office of Innovation and Improvement at the U.S. Department of Education subsequently held a competition for the grant to administer the program. In March of that year, the nonprofit Washington Scholarship Fund (WSF) was selected by the U.S. Department of Education to administer the program, with the supervision and support of the office of DC Mayor Anthony Williams. WSF named its new initiative the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program (OSP). It became the only joint scholarship initiative at the elementary and secondary level of the Federal government and a local educational agency, the District of Columbia Public School system (DCPS).
The purpose of the OSP is to give DC parents the opportunity to exercise greater choice in the education of their children. Elementary and secondary school students who are residents of Washington, DC, and are members of families whose income does not exceed 185 percent of the poverty line are eligible to apply. Students receive scholarships of up to $7,500 per year to pay for tuition, fees, and transportation costs to attend participating private schools in the city. In making scholarship awards, if there are more eligible applicants than available scholarships, applicants receive scholarships through a lottery system. Scholarship priority is given to applicants attending schools identified as in need of improvement, corrective action, or restructuring under Title I of the No Child Left Behind Act. During the 2003-2004 academic year, 15 elementary, middle, and high schools in Washington, DC, fell into one of those categories. In 2004-2005, 88 schools in the city fit that description. Between 2003 and 2005, about 44 percent of the total public school OSP applicant pool came from a public school that was identified as in need of improvement.

Opportunity Scholarships are renewable for up to five years (as funds are appropriated), as long as students remain eligible for the program. Participating private schools must be located in Washington, DC, and agree to report to parents of scholarship students at least once per year, describing the academic performance of the student and the aggregate performance of other students in their schools. In addition, schools must report to parents regarding the safety of their facilities. Private schools must agree to scholarship program requirements regarding fiscal responsibility and nondiscrimination in admissions and operations with regard to program participants. The statute also requires that the OSP submit to an ongoing, rigorous, independent evaluation of the effects on students and families. Georgetown University and Westat Corporation, on behalf of the U.S. Department of Education's Institute of Education Sciences (IES), were chosen to lead the evaluation. Currently, data are being collected for an analysis of the OSP's effectiveness in improving student outcomes. These data and analyses will be presented in a 2007 report. A study just released from the evaluation team details OSP participation during 2005-2006, the program's second year.


According to this study, OSP reached capacity with over 1,700 students using scholarships at 60 of the 68 participating private schools. WSF reports that the eight schools that did not serve scholarship students either had no scholarship recipients choose to attend their institutions because the schools ended in either kindergarten (three schools) or third grade (one school), or that the schools filled their open slots before scholarship recipients could be placed. (Five schools stopped accepting applications by February 1). The IES study reveals that during the OSP's first- and second-year application periods, a total of 5,818 individuals applied for Opportunity Scholarships, 4,047 of whom were deemed eligible to receive funds. Based on Census numbers from the year 2000, this total correlates to ten percent of the base of eligible low-income students participating in the OSP during both years of the initiative.

The relatively high number of OSP participants may be attributed to a comprehensive outreach campaign led by WSF before the start of each academic year. Approximately 23 percent of the WSF outreach budget originated from contract funds from the U.S. Department of Education. The rest of the funds for outreach activities were raised privately. When the OSP first began, WSF held public meetings at the Washington Convention Center and other locations throughout the city so that families could learn more about the scholarships and fill out applications. At Nannie Helen Burroughs School, Principal Hayes took it upon herself to reproduce the WSF announcement and forward it to parents at her school and in the surrounding community. After three weeks of initial outreach efforts, nearly 2,700 families submitted applications before the start of the 2004-2005 academic year. Ultimately, 1,027 students from kindergarten through twelfth grade enrolled in private schools through the OSP in 2004-2005. On average, OSP students in 2004-2005 came from families that consisted of one adult and three children. The average family earned an annual income of $18,742, far below the program's income-eligibility threshold of 185 percent of the federal poverty level, which for a family of four in 2004-2005 was $34,873.

 A chronicle of the OSP conducted by the Annie E. Casey Foundation reveals that outreach efforts for the second year of the program were varied and far-reaching. WSF organized more than 60 neighborhood application meetings; two 25,000-piece mailings to recipients of food stamps and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF); home visits to disabled parents and guardians; and informational meetings for groups including the Counsel for Child Abuse and Neglect, Asian-American LEAD (Leadership, Empowerment, and Development), the Vietnamese-American Community Service Center, and the Spanish Education Development Center. WSF also mailed 33,000 informational packets to families of children attending schools in need of improvement. To cast a wider net, WSF collaborated with the DC State Education Office (SEO); DC ParentSmart, a parent information center working in the city; and a local charter school association, among other organizations, to inform 83,000 public school families, including public charter school families, of the availability of Opportunity Scholarships. WSF also reached out to non-English speaking families by employing Spanish-speaking staff at its main office and creating information booklets and applications printed in Spanish, Chinese,Vietnamese, and Amharic.

Although publicly funded private school scholarship programs have existed in cities and states across the country for the last 15 years in areas such as Milwaukee and Cleveland, no model for a program characterized by a Federal/local partnership had existed before OSP was initiated. As a result, WSF had to create innovative methods for community outreach, systems for student placement, and other administrative procedures. From the outset, WSF has received assistance from community organizations including DC Parents for School Choice, the Greater Washington Urban League, and Capital Partners for Education.

WSF has emphasized the importance of support for students and families interested and participating in the OSP. WSF conducts one-on-one meetings with parents and has created numerous guidebooks and brochures, as well as a comprehensive website. The WSF website, for example, features lists of private schools participating in the OSP, news articles and studies concerning the program, and a “testimonials” page with feedback from parents, students, and national and community leaders. Additionally, the website includes links that enable visitors to listen to audio playback of interviews with OSP families. To help OSP families make informed choices and identify schools that can best serve the needs of their children, WSF has created a school directory. The directory lists the availability of enrichment activities and before- and after-school programming at participating schools, as well as information about the proximity of participating schools to public transportation. WSF has produced a brochure entitled, “How to Apply to a Private School” that walks families through the unfamiliar territory of the admissions process at private schools. Another booklet, “Planning Your School Search,” helps families evaluate and rank school features that are important to them.

Many DC parents have cited school proximity and safety as key factors in selecting new schools, while others have cited the academic rigor and discipline at the private schools they chose. Still others sought schools that aligned with their religious denomination. Nikia Hammond, a mother of three children who attend Nannie Helen Burroughs School, notes, “Knowing that my children are learning good things and that a lot of things are instilled in them that I'm not able to do when I'm at work gives me a lot of peace of mind. With them in the Opportunity Scholarship Program, I see them as doctors. I see lawyers. I see teachers. I see them being anything they want to be.” Ms. Hammond also chose the Baptist school because her mother knew and respected the principal, Ms. Hayes.

Teacher Quality and Development 
   Maryland has a reason to be proud, with Kimberly Oliver, a kindergarten teacher at Broad Acres Elementary School in Silver Spring, named the 2006 National Teacher of the Year. Ms. Oliver is the first educator from Maryland to receive the award. The National Teacher of the Year program is the oldest national honors program that recognizes excellence in teaching. The program, presented by the ING Foundation, is a project of the Council of Chief State School Officers and is sponsored by Scholastic, Inc. [More- The Washington Post] (Apr. 25) (subscription required)

 

China's education minister has announced a plan to help hundreds of teachers in the United States learn or expand their knowledge of Chinese, calling the language "an important tool for the rest of the world." The initiative will bring more than 150 teachers from China to U.S. high schools. Nearly 600 U.S. teachers will be immersed in Chinese language and culture through summer institutes. The initiative also will provide financial aid to nearly 300 U.S. teachers seeking state certification in Chinese. The Chinese government will provide $4 million this year for the initiative, but total costs of the five-year program have not been finalized. [More-CNN] (Apr. 21)

 

New York City will offer housing subsidies of up to $14,600 to lure new science, mathematics, and special education teachers to work in some of the city's most challenging middle and high schools. The housing incentive program was negotiated with Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's administration and the city's teachers' union to address teacher shortages in these subject areas. Teachers must have at least two years of classroom experience to be eligible. The program will pay as much as $5,000 up front along with a $400 monthly housing stipend for two years. Teachers must commit to teach in the city for three years. [More-The New York Times] (Apr. 19) (subscription required)

Field trips aren't just for students in East Brunswick (NJ). Eleven teachers in the district are traveling to Gettysburg and other national historical sites through their participation in “The Overcoming Obstacles to Liberty” (TOOL) program, funded through a Federal grant from the Teaching American History program in the Office of Innovation and Improvement. These teachers, in addition to 43 other Central Jersey educators, are immersing themselves in American history by taking part in a series of colloquia with university experts, attending conferences, and reading books by authors such as David McCullough and Richard Brookhiser. [More-Home News Tribune] (Apr. 15)



A Georgetown University/Westat evaluation of the OSP's first year, released in the fall of 2005, highlights parents' and students' satisfaction with the program. According to the study, of 45 participating families, nearly all of the parents and guardians reported becoming more involved in their children's education. They also perceived the private schools as safer, with smaller class sizes and more challenging expectations for students' behavior and academics than some of the public schools their children formerly attended. The students, who nearly unanimously reported that they intend to enroll in college, believed their new schools could help them reach that goal.

For advocates of the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program such as Principal Shirley Hayes, the positive impact of the scholarships on students and families is a natural outgrowth of school choice. She notes, “Children and parents deserve the best. School choice provides parents the opportunity to seek and secure the best educational environment for their children…resplendent with resources and experienced, caring teachers in a safe and nurturing school environment.” Ms. Hayes recently affirmed her commitment to the scholarship program by accepting a position to chair the Educational Opportunities and Partnerships Committee for the Washington Scholarship Fund's Board of Directors.

 

Resources:

Washington Scholarship Fund
DC School Choice Incentive Program


 Innovations in the News

 

Charter Schools/Choice 
   For the winner of a Minnesota essay contest, her charter school saved her life. She writes, “In fifth grade, my parents divorced, my beloved dog was killed, and I was forced to deal with an alcoholic father…I was contemplating suicide. My teacher…Ms. DeMunck was the only thing that saved me.” That student, and other winners of the contest for charter school students statewide, read their essays on the steps of the State Capitol on May 5. The contest was sponsored by the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs' Center for School Change at the University of Minnesota. [More-University of Minnesota News] (May 5)

Randi Weingarten, president of the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), may have a new career in documentary film. The UFT opened its own charter school, the UFT Elementary School, in September and hired a film crew to trace the successes and challenges of the endeavor. Barbara Malmet, a professor at New York University and friend of Ms. Weingarten, produced the film. On April 28, the 35-minute documentary was screened at the Tribeca Film Festival. After the screening, the UFT hosted a red carpet fundraiser at Stuyvesant High School where 20 kindergartners and first graders sat in directors' chairs, donned Hollywood-style sunglasses, and signed autographs. [More-The New York Sun] (Apr. 24) (subscription required)

 

The Louisiana State Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) approved charter applications for 22 schools in New Orleans. The approvals followed the recommendations of a committee assembled by the National Association of Charter School Authorizers (NACSA) to review the applications. The committee recommended “unconditional approval” of charters at six schools and “conditional approval” of another 16 charters. Charters with conditional approval must address the weaknesses in their applications and report to BESE. In addition to opening the door to new charter schools, State Superintendent of Education Cecil Picard announced that Robin Jarvis will serve as acting superintendent of the New Orleans' recovery school district, which took control of 107 low-performing schools in the 117-school system after Hurricane Katrina. [More-The New Orleans Times-Picayune] (Apr. 21) (subscription required)

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Closing the Achievement Gap 
   Nationwide, about 72 percent of girls in the high school class of 2003 earned diplomas, compared to 65 percent of boys. This “gender gap” is even more prevalent among minorities, according to a recent report by the Manhattan Institute. Leaving Boys Behind: Public High School Graduation Rates found that, in 2003, 59 percent of African American girls, but only 48 percent of African American boys earned diplomas. Among Hispanics, the graduation rate was 58 percent for girls, but only 49 percent for boys. [More-The New York Times] (Apr. 19) (subscription required)

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Parental Involvement 
   In Charlotte (NC) parent involvement means much more than becoming a teacher's “classroom helper.” Parents are analyzing students' test scores, examining demographic trends, building electronic networks, and helping to shape curricula. These parents are trained to connect with schools through a group called Charlotte Advocates for Education. Parents who have been trained so far are involved in a variety of school initiatives – from helping Spanish-speaking students learn English to incorporating writing across the curriculum. Charlotte Advocates for Education is modeled after the Kentucky-based Prichard Committee for Academic Excellence, which offers reports on turning around high-poverty schools, as well as other resources. [More-The Charlotte Observer] (Apr. 18)

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Raising Student Achievement/School Reform 
   Newsweek recently released its annual “Best High Schools” list that recognizes public schools that “do the best job of preparing average students for college.” Schools are ranked according to a ratio, devised by Washington Post writer Jay Mathews, that is the number of Advanced Placement and/or International Baccalaureate exams taken by all students at a school in 2005 divided by the number of graduating seniors. In an accompanying article, the magazine attempts to answer the question, “What is high school really for?” Creating good citizens, celebrating the liberal arts, preparing students for the world of work, educating boys and girls separately, reaching out to all students, and emphasizing science and technology were some of the answers the magazine highlighted. [More-Newsweek] (May 8)

 

The number of home-schooled students nationwide who are taking Advanced Placement (AP) exams tripled between 2000 and 2005, from 410 students taking exams to 1,282 students. The growth in the number of test-takers may be attributed to home-schooled students wanting to validate the rigor of the academic material they studied. A Pennsylvania-based business, PA Homeschoolers, started by parents of a home-schooled student, provides AP test preparation classes for home-schooled students. PA Homeschoolers now serves 227 students who are taking AP exams in subjects from music theory to computer science. [More-Education Week] (Apr. 26) (subscription required)

For high school freshman Lincoln Shryack, an extra credit essay turned into a ticket to the Oprah Winfrey Show. Lincoln was reading Elie Wiesel's memoir Night for his honors U.S. history class when his teacher, Darla Grady, informed him of Oprah Winfrey's first National High School Essay Contest. The assignment was to explain why Wiesel's 1958 book, which recounts his experiences as a teenager during the Holocaust, is relevant in today's society. Lincoln is one of 50 winners nationwide who will be on the Oprah Winfrey Show with Elie Wiesel, who was awarded the 1986 Nobel Peace Prize. The show will air in May. Darla Grady is one teacher in Springfield (MO) who benefits from a Teaching American History grant from the Office of Innovation and Improvement. [More-News-Leader] (Mar. 23)

Teachers: Is anything good enough
by William Murchison
East Texas Weekly Community Newspaper
May 15, 2006

Experience has taught Texans over the years to depend on certain immutables of life: there’s a radar trap lying ahead whenever a driver decides to make up lost time; farmers get either too little rain or too much; and school teachers need a raise. Or hadn’t you noticed?
In the latter case – the teacher pay raise case – Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, among others, has noticed plenty. Indeed he will be noticing until Kingdom Come or the next election, whichever arrives first. The teachers are riled but good.
Out of the school finance/school reform exercise, they seek $3,000 more per year Dewhurst and the Senate are proposing $1.4 billion in new education spending, half of which would finance $2,000 across-the-board raises for teachers. The education establishment is unhappy not to get the full $3,000. Nor does it like a proposal for taking back from non-classroom employees a $500 subsidy for health insurance. That last idea the Texas Federation of Teachers describes as “heartless.” As for the $2,000 raise, it “isn’t meaningful,” according to a spokesman for the Texas State Teachers Association.
Over the background sound of violins sobbing with anguish, you can hear the whirr of knives being sharpened – political knives. The raise already is an issue for ’06. None other than Texas’ leading granny, Carole Keeton McClellan Rylander Strayhorn, a onetime teacher herself, as well as school board president, has declared in favor of the full $3,000. Guess whom the teacher unions will be backing for govenor this year.
Money, money, money. For some reason it’s all one ever hears about – from the education bureaucracy’s side – when the topic is schools. It’s like rain in that half of the farmers’ never-get-enough equation. What we never figure out is just how much new money for schools would be enough.
Caroline Hoxby, the Harvard economist and education expert, notes in a recap of events since the “Nation at Risk” study called attention to our educational problems almost 25 years ago, that the study called forth “the largest spending growth in recent American history.
“Between 1982 and 1992, real (inflation-adjusted) per-pupil spending grew from $5,930 to $8,008. This is an increase of 35 percent in 10 years, in excess of inflation. Although spending did not rise as quickly in the next eight years, it reached $9,230 in 2000. In short, from A Nation at Risk until today, per-pupil spending has risen by 60 percent.” Largely, says Hoxby, this is because of “a substantial decrease in the pupil-teacher ratio, which fell from 18.6 percent in 1982 to 15.0 in 1999.”
To what end? Well, er, not much of an end, if you want the truth. Writes Terry M. Moe of Stanford, in the same recap (Our Schools and Our Future: Hoover Press, 2003), “...[A]fter untold billions of dollars and lofty reform packages too numerous to list, very little has actually been achieved.” Moe’s observation tallies with virtually other current assessment of American education, notwithstanding hints – hints only – that the No Child Left Behind regime is at least increasing test-taking proficiency.
Why no substantial progress since the Nation at Risk study kicked off the education reform movement? Because, explains Moe, “With rare exceptions, the only reforms that make it through the political process are those that are acceptable to the established interests and that leave the fundamentals – and the problems – of the current system intact. Most of what passes for reform...is really just more of the same and can’t possibly provide the significant improvement people are looking for.”
Meanwhile Peter Brimelow, in The Worm in the Apple: How the Teacher Unions are Destroying American Education, takes aim at “the Teacher Trust” that runs education – the same trust whose members, no matter how wretched the schools, perpetually want more taxpayer money to run them. “The Teacher Trust,” writes Brimelow, “as it has evolved over the last 40 years, is essentially a parasite. Its effect is to weaken and deform the government school system – which is aleady quite weak and deformed enough.”
Mr. Brimelow, meet Gov Dewhurst, who seems to be learning a lot these days about the biology of parasites. If Dewhurst, as he says, is “disappointed” by the harsh reception the unions gave his plan for a $2,000 teacher raise, he might benefit from recognizing that anything less than the unions ask for is automatically too little.
We could cut some corners by just delegating to the Teacher Trust full responsibility for setting pay levels; but, besides being expensive, that would just entrench the unions in their disdain for lawmakers, not to mention the taxpayers who are putting up the money in the first place.
How long, O Lord, before we catch on to what goes on with public, ah, education? Until you we do, the taxpayer is well-advised to keep hand firmly attached to wallet.
Distributed by
www.lonestarreport.org
Small schools changing shape of nation's largest school system


Posted 5/13/2006 12:44 PM ET
USA Today
By Nahal Toosi, The Associated Press


NEW YORK — Five years ago, Sharis Wingfield couldn't have imagined attending a high school that emphasizes sports vocations and teaches kids math using batting averages. She also couldn't have envisioned a scenario where her high school would be smaller than her junior high.

But, through various twists of fate, she landed at the Academy for Careers in Sports — enrollment 306. She is now convinced a smaller school is better.

"Size is actually the most important factor," said Wingfield, an 18-year-old senior. "The attention you get from the teachers, just that individual time you spend with them ... In a bigger school there's no way I'd be doing as well."

In the last few years, New York's embrace of the small schools model has dramatically reshaped the nation's largest public school system. The city is among scores of districts — others include Chicago, San Diego and Milwaukee — that are betting smaller settings will yield higher attendance and graduation rates than mammoth high schools.

The small schools in New York are often highly specialized, with themes ranging from human rights to aerospace. There is the High School for Violin and Dance. The Peace and Diversity Academy. The Food and Finance High School. The schools generally have fewer than 600 students as well as outside partners, such as non-profit groups.

In 2001, the New York City system, which has 1.1 million students, had fewer than 1,250 schools. The addition of new small schools, which primarily serve grades 6 through 12, will swell that figure to nearly 1,450 this fall.

Some education observers say New York is forming too many small schools too quickly. They worry the schools lack a broad enough curriculum, and they question how long interest in this latest school reform movement will last.

"The problem with the current small school movement is that some people think it's a panacea, the silver bullet," said Leon Botstein, president of Bard College, a partner to one of the city's small high schools.

Education administrators say the city's school system, with a graduation rate of 54% (others put it even lower) needs emergency surgery, not more therapy. This year, a key group of small schools will graduate their first classes, and officials are betting the rates will top the citywide average.

Small schools aren't a new phenomenon to New York, but this latest wave is much larger, more centrally supported, and more closely monitored than previous versions. It's accompanied by a the phasing out of large, failing high schools — 20 in seven years — whose campuses are being handed over to small schools.

The new wave is also better-funded, thanks largely to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. The foundation has poured hundreds of millions of dollars into districts and schools nationwide to promote school reform, including $130 million in New York over the last five years.

Wingfield's school, the Academy for Careers in Sports, is one result.

The school began taking students in 2002, and it is now one of three small schools that shares the campus of what used to be South Bronx High School. Students said the size was the best part because they have better relationships with teachers. Most said they liked the sports theme. The most common complaint was that there weren't enough girls.

Principal Felice Lepore boasts of solid test results and high attendance rates. Yet, space is very tight. The 11th graders use portable facilities outside the main building. The school's courses are largely basic — it doesn't offer Advanced Placement classes — with heavy emphasis on standardized exams.

David Bloomfield, who heads an education program at Brooklyn College, said the rush to create small schools has resulted in space crunches. He said some schools end up getting overcrowded because nearby facilities are being converted to campuses of small schools.

The Citywide Council on High Schools recently asked the education department to delay small-school creation until it resolves space and academic questions. The group also posited that the schools may be drawing the best, most motivated students away from other schools.

Garth Harries, head of the Office of New Schools, said space lessons have long been learned, and that newer small schools are being located in underused facilities. Future school construction — aided by $11.2 billion in funds promised by the state — could include sites specifically for small schools.

Diane Ravitch, an education historian who has often criticized the school system since it came under the control of the mayor in 2002, said the schools may be too small to adequately prepare students for top jobs or rigorous colleges.

"Since they have a small faculty, they don't have depth of staff in subjects like math, science, can't offer advanced courses, also don't have the range of electives or extracurricular activities, or a choice of foreign languages, or such things as debate club, chorus, etc.," Ravitch wrote in an e-mail.

Education leaders say that when so many students aren't performing at grade level, the basics are the top priority.

"By the same token, the alternative for those kids would be a high school that had a 30% graduation rate," schools Chancellor Joel Klein said. "For them, I don't think you're creating it remotely too fast."

The city education department says attendance and promotion rates at the new small schools are higher than citywide averages. The numbers also show the small schools serve a higher rate of minority and academically struggling students. But the new schools are still young. Many don't even have 11th or 12th graders yet.

Gates Foundation representatives say they've seen a range of results in small school efforts nationwide. San Diego and New York are considered successful so far, but other places, such as Oakland, are having a harder time.

In New York, no one is willing to predict exactly when the reshaping will end. Klein said there could be up to 25 new small schools started each of the next three years. Others said a quarter to one-third of the city's high schoolers may eventually learn in small settings. About 14% of the city's freshmen enrolled in a small school in 2005.

In the next few months, 15 small schools that started taking students in 2002 will graduate their first classes. These schools are considered models for the dozens created since under Klein's watch. Just how many students will cross the stage is something officials will monitor closely.

Wingfield is among those students slated to graduate. She's headed to Kentucky State University, a much bigger environment. That worries her a little, but not too much.

"I think there should be as many small schools as possible," she said.


 

Cloudy future for exit test after ruling
By Becky Bartindale and Luis Zaragoza
Mercury News.com
May 13, 2006

A California judge suspended the state's high school exit exam as a graduation requirement Friday, saying California public schools don't fairly prepare all students -- a decision that calls into question whether the state can enforce a test of basic math and English competency for a diploma.

The ruling could allow thousands of seniors who haven't passed the controversial exam to receive diplomas in the coming weeks. But they can't be sure: State Superintendent Jack O'Connell said he will appeal quickly and seek a court order to keep the exam requirement in force until the legal battle is resolved. And for educators, students and parents, the decision deepens uncertainty about the exam's future.

The same judge could rule as soon as next week on another lawsuit that challenges whether the test can be required for graduation this year. If the exit exam is blocked in that case, the state may have to develop an alternative test -- probably allowing students to graduate without passing an exit exam for at least a year.

``Obviously there are going to be some relieved students. For them there's an immediate personal benefit,'' said Ken Schlaff, associate principal at Milpitas High School. But in terms of holding schools and students accountable for meeting a minimum standard, ``I think it's a setback,'' he said.

Ruling in this case, which was brought by 10 students who had not passed the exam, Alameda County Superior Court Judge Robert Freedman agreed that many students have not had the opportunity to learn what is on the test because of inequities in the California educational system. Nearly 90 percent of the state's seniors have passed the test -- but that rate falls to 83 percent among poor students and 71 percent of students still learning English.

``There is evidence in the record that students in economically challenged communities have not had an equal opportunity to learn the materials,'' Freedman wrote. He found that the scarcity of educational resources ``continues to fall disproportionately on English language learners,'' especially when it comes to not having qualified teachers. He also noted that the $20 million the state set aside to help seniors pass the test ran out before 166 schools districts could get funding.

O'Connell, who as a legislator first proposed the exit exam, called the ruling ``a personal disappointment'' and ``a setback for students and hard-fought accountability in our state.''

But Arturo Gonzalez, the Morrison & Foerster attorney who prevailed Friday, called the test a waste of money that could be better used to improve California schools. ``We want these kids to walk the stage and get their diplomas,'' he said.

O'Connell said Friday that it's premature to consider whether to take some interim compromise steps that might settle the lawsuits. Among options that have been suggested before: handing out ``dual diplomas'' that indicate whether or not a student has passed the exit exam, or phasing in the exit exam as individual schools demonstrate they are providing students with adequate educational opportunities to succeed.

Had those things happened, the state might not be facing two exit exam challenges today, said John Affeldt, managing attorney with Public Advocates, the San Francisco public-interest law firm that filed the second exit exam lawsuit on behalf of Californians for Justice. It raises a narrower question of whether the state adequately considered alternative ways for students to show they know the material on the test, as required by state law.

Even if he loses this round, O'Connell said he hopes the exam will be a requirement for the class of 2007.

Reaction to Friday's ruling ran the gamut.

O'Connell predicted that there would be chaos throughout the state, as school districts tried to figure out which diplomas to print and whether to schedule remedial exit-exam summer courses, and as students pondered how to plan for the future.

But Karen Fuqua, a media representative for the San Jose Unified School District, said Friday that she detected no chaos yet. ``Diplomas are really easy to print,'' she said. And only about 32 more of the district's seniors would become eligible to graduate if the exam is not required.

Upon learning of the ruling, Mayra Ibañez, a senior at Richmond High and a plaintiff in the lawsuit, said she wept with joy. ``No one will be hurt if we get our diplomas,'' Ibañez said.

Russlyn Ali, director of the Education Trust-West, a group that advocates for better schools in poor and minority communities, called the ruling ``a huge step backward for California's schools and students'' because the exam has helped spur achievement in troubled schools.

Other educators are watching the court battle closely.

``It is by no means fatal to the California accountability system if this gets postponed for another year,'' said Williamson Evers, a scholar at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. But if it is delayed for many more years, he said, ``that will break down the reform effort. If we keep postponing it, no one will take it seriously.''

Affeldt, the attorney in Monday's exit-exam case, predicted that eventually the state will come up with an exit exam process that student advocates will consider fair. But it could take several years.

``I'd like us to get there, but we're pretty far yet from being able to say with confidence that we've given every kid an opportunity to learn what's on the test.''


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Contact Becky Bartindale at
bbartindale@mercurynews. com or (408) 920-5459. Contact Luis Zaragoza at lzaragoza@ mercurynews.com or (408) 920-5803. 

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
May 12, 2006
The Goldwater Institute
Budget Debate on Kindergarten Funding Overlooks Key Facts
Report shows academic achievement unaffected


PHOENIX—Today the Arizona legislature issued a draft budget for next year and a key sticking point in the budget negotiations is expected to be funding for all-day kindergarten. Governor Napolitano requested $105 million for all-day kindergarten funding. Rather than setting aside the funding specifically for all-day kindergarten, the legislature proposed giving this amount to school districts to spend however they see fit. A new report shows all-day kindergarten funding is unlikely to raise Arizona's poor academic achievement.


The Los Angeles-based Reason Foundation has updated and released the 2005 Goldwater Institute policy report, Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten: Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers and Policymakers. The new report is co-authored by Goldwater Institute President Darcy Olsen and Reason Foundation Education Director Lisa Snell.


"As the all-day k funding debate rages in Arizona, policymakers and taxpayers need facts to know if these programs are worth the investment," says Darcy Olsen, president of the Goldwater Institute.


Two states have implemented universal preschool in the last ten years, Oklahoma and Georgia. The latest National Assessment of Educational Progress test scores show that while fourth-grade reading scores have trended modestly upward nationwide, the scores of students in Georgia and Oklahoma are falling.


New findings by researchers at Stanford University and University of California, Berkeley show that preschool can hinder social development and encourage poor social behavior, such as bullying and aggression, and children who attend preschool often demonstrate a lack of motivation to participate in classroom activity. There is no widely available information on the long-term impact of preschool on these behaviors.     

 

Olsen continued, "Parents need to know that preschool and kindergarten can be helpful to children, but it can also be harmful. There is no evidence that children who attend preschool or all-day kindergarten perform better in school, or life. Sometimes being home with mom and dad is the best thing for a child."  

 

Read the updated version of Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten: Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers and Policymakers.


Contacts:

Starlee Rhoades, Director of Communications, Goldwater Institute, (602) 712-1257, srhoades@goldwaterinstitute.org.


Darcy Olsen, President, Goldwater Institute, (602) 462-5000 x 234, dolsen@goldwaterinstitute.org.


May 09, 2006 04:44 PM US Eastern Timezone
Business Wire.com
Cory Booker Calls for Mayoral Control to Reform Newark Schools; Candidate Voices Strong Support for Vouchers and Charter Schools


STANFORD, Calif.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--May 9, 2006--With Newark poised to elect its first new mayor in two decades, attention is turning to front-runner Cory Booker's promises to fix the city's troubled schools. Booker, a Democrat, has called for comprehensive reform measures that cross party lines, including mayoral control and strict financial accountability for schools. He is also a supporter of vouchers and has called for the city to partner with charter schools.


A new Education Next article by David Skinner outlines Booker's plans for an education revolution in Newark. Read "Home Is Where the Heart Is: Can Cory Booker save Newark's schools?" online today at www.EducationNext.org.

In an extensive interview with Education Next about his education plans, Booker says his first priority for the troubled district will be to make the schools safe. He wants to expand tutoring and after-school programs and create more linkages between students and potential future employers. After the State returns control of the schools to Newark in 2007, however, Booker, a critic of school boards, will pursue mayoral control of the system.

Booker has called for strict financial accountability by the district, and has suggested reforms such as extending the school day and implementing weekend and summer programs. Booker wants the city to partner with charter schools, helping them find facilities in order to build upon the success of those like the KIPP Academy and Northstar Academy.

He has held up vouchers out as an important tool to be utilized, as well. In public statements he has voiced his unequivocal support for "any kind of choice programs that are targeted toward poor children who are trapped in failing schools." It's "morally wrong," he said, for "the connected, the elected, the privileged" who send their kids to private schools "to not favor a system that creates options for parents that are now being enjoyed by those privileged elites in urban communities around our nation."

Booker is associated with several prominent school choice organizations including the Newark-based E-3. He also serves on the boards of Clint Bollick's Alliance for School Choice and the Black Alliance of Educational Options.

The dire state of Newark's schools will likely require that Booker use all the tools at his disposal. The district is a classic example of well-funded failure, writes Skinner. The city's public school district spent $17,949 per pupil compared to a state average of $12,981, while lagging far behind the state average in proficiency. Fifty-three and forty-three percent of Newark's fourth graders are proficient or better in language and math at the fourth grade level, while in those categories state boasts proficiency percentages of 78 and 68. For eighth grade students, the numbers are even worse. For Newark's high school students, the situation is dismal. In 2005, more than 60 percent of 11th graders failed the state math test. In 2003, 28 percent of seniors failed to graduate, while 42 percent graduated with only an alternative diploma. And all this is after being under state control for ten years.

Read about Cory Booker's plans to save Newark's schools at Education Next online.

David Skinner is an assistant managing editor at The Weekly Standard and editor of Doublethink magazine.

Education Next is a scholarly journal published by the Hoover Institution that is committed to looking at hard facts about school reform. Other sponsoring institutions are the Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance and the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation.

Center for Education Reform Newswire
Vol. 8, No. 25
May 9, 2006
CHARTER SCHOOLS

GREENER PASTURES. A new study by KidsOhio.org, a Columbus-based group that studies children's issues, showed that 58 percent of Columbus Public School parents want to or are open to taking their children out of the city's conventional public schools. The study found that of the 601 households polled, a majority is looking to charter schools or magnet schools due to what is seen as the failings of the school district. Overall, the parents gave the school district a grade of C, citing problems such as safety, lack of one-on-one attention, and lack of communication between teachers and parents. "They better get it together or they will be losing more and more kids," said one parent. "It doesn't appear this [enrollment decline] is really going to slow down unless there is a concerted effort by the district," said director of Kids-Ohio Mark Real. The mass migration from conventional public schools to charter schools is not exclusive to Ohio. In Connecticut, an added interest in charter schools has led to a new state budget with a focus on charter schools. Per pupil funding in the Constitution State will rise from $7,625 to $8,000, money will be allotted for two new charter schools, and a new state law will also allow some charter schools to have up to 85 students per grade.

Researchers on Reforming Our Schools
By Martin Morse Wooster
Published May 7, 2006
The Washington Times.com


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If you want to be better informed about the best ways to reform our schools, you ought to study the history of American education. A good place to start might be William J. Reese's informative book, America's Public Schools: From the Common School to "No Child Left Behind (Johns Hopkins, $21.95, 333 pages).
    Mr. Reese, an education historian at the University of Wisconsin at Madison, has set out to tell the entire history of our schools in a book. As he notes in the appendix, "single-volume interpretations of the broad sweep of American education are rare." After all, the history of our schools is complicated, and most historians these days gain tenure not by writing surveys, but by producing tiny, specialized studies of little interest to anyone outside the academy.
    Mr. Reese, however, is good at showing the ways that our schools have alternated between having "progressive" educators in charge who want to make the curriculum less intellectual and more practical, and "traditionalists" who wish to purge the classes of frills and get back to teaching reading, writing and arithmetic.
    "America's Public Schools" is a fair and judicious book but has two major flaws. The publisher decided to save money by replacing footnotes with an extended essay at the end. As a result, readers who are curious about where Mr. Reese obtained an interesting quotation are unable to check his sources.
    Second, the author is relatively objective until his regrettable conclusion. He argues, among other things, that school choice is bad because it is supported by corporations, which he believes are always up to no good.
    Except for this final chapter, "America's Public Schools" does a good job in limning the main currents of American education history. Mr. Reese's book is a very good introductory survey for anyone who wants to learn more about American education, and even readers who know the subject well will find that the book provides fresh information about familiar topics.
    
    I was once asked what books on school reform someone should read if they wanted to study the best. I provided a list of four: "Charles Glenn's "The Rise of the Common School," Frederick Hess' "Common Sense School Reform and Revolution at the Margins," Diane Ravitch's "Left Back and The Language Police," and Joseph Viteritti's "Choosing Equality." Those who read these books will sharpen their understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of American education.
    Of these scholars, Mr. Hess, a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, is the youngest and has the broadest range. His recent articles are collected in Tough Love for Schools: Essays on Competition, Accountability and Excellence (AEI Press, $25, 243 pages).
    Mr. Hess has written extensively on subjects most education scholars ignore. For example, his "Retooling K-12 Giving," first published in Philanthropy in 2004, is a thorough analysis of which foundations are giving money for elementary education and high schools, and whether or not these grants are doing any good. Several essays also look at the messy ways in which teachers are given their teaching credentials, and whether or not these licenses actually show that teachers are capable of doing a good job in the classroom.
     It should be noted, however, that about half of the articles in this book aren't based on original research, but are op-eds and short articles written for a general audience. These articles have dated badly. Moreover, there's a great deal of repetition in this book, including several articles each about vouchers, charter schools, and teacher licenses and schools of education. Mr. Hess' opinions are always interesting -- except when one has read them for the fourth or fifth time.
    "Tough Love for Schools" is a below-par book by one of our best education writers. Readers who are curious about what Mr. Hess has to say should read one of his other books, such as "Common Sense School Reform."
    
    The debates over school choice have changed in the past five years. Nearly everyone now accepts that having more choices for students and parents is a good idea. The debate is now about whether or not these choices should include just public schools or private ones as well.
    In Getting Choice Right: Ensuring Equity and Efficiency in Education Policy (Brookings, $19.95, 244 pages), 12 education scholars look at various aspects of school choice. The book, edited by Julian R. Betts, an economist at the University of California at San Diego, and Tom Loveless, a Brookings fellow, presents the findings of a commission funded by the Gates and Annie E. Casey foundations. The commission's task was to look at school choice and see ways it can be improved.
    What most of the scholars show is how little we really know about how school choice affects student achievement. In one chapter, for example, a Rand researcher named Laura S. Hamilton and Kacey Guin of the University of Washington conclude that we really don't know, after all these years, why families choose one school over another.
    Two papers stand out. A research team led by Dan Goldhaber of the Urban Institute concludes in one paper that the canard that children will suffer if parents don't choose a school is probably wrong; in fact, such children do slightly better than children in districts without any school choice.
     And Mr. Betts suggests that a market could be established in high-achieving students comparable to markets that have been established for selling broadcast spectrum or the right to pollute with certain chemicals. Suburban schools with lots of top achievers, Mr. Betts argues, could pay for the rights to educate these students, giving the funds to inner-city schools with few top achievers. The inner city schools could then use the funds to make improvements such as better textbooks and more teacher aides.
    "Getting Choice Right" doesn't break any new ground. But it does remind us that educational researchers would be more productive if they spent less time theorizing about school choice and more time in the field, looking at the ways that increased choice has changed schools.
    
    Martin Morse Wooster is the author of "Angry Classrooms, Vacant Minds."

Why Johnny
Can't Comprehend
What He's Reading
By DAVID GELERNTER
May 4, 2006; Page D8
Wall Street Journal Online

American schools are failing to teach our children to read intelligently, and "The Knowledge Deficit" explains why. You cannot be a successful reader, E.D. Hirsch reminds us, unless you understand the context in which the author is working. Competent readers depend on a store of shared knowledge that our children must learn -- but are not being taught.

Our schools are trapped instead in a nightmare of vacuous bullet-points and double-talk; teachers present "comprehension strategies" ("predicting, summarizing, questioning, clarifying") in place of plain, nourishing information. Students are shown again and again how to "classify, draw conclusions, make inferences, predict outcomes." But they still can't read intelligently. No author can possibly spell out the implied context of every sentence he writes. Children must learn to fill in those blanks -- but our schools refuse to teach them.

No wonder "children perform relatively worse on international comparisons the longer they stay in our schools," as Mr. Hirsch writes. And no wonder a 2004 National Endowment for the Arts survey ("Reading at Risk") found "literary reading" in decline across the nation and doing worst among the youngest category of reader.

Mr. Hirsch is a former English professor whose "Cultural Literacy" (1987) was a milestone in the nation's growing disgust with its misbegotten schools. In the years since, he has founded the Core Knowledge Foundation and promoted the teaching of America's "common culture." "The Knowledge Deficit" presents a perfect illustration of why it all matters: Students who don't master the common culture can't possibly become intelligent readers.

"The Knowledge Deficit" is a short but repetitive book. A scant 125 pages are enough for Mr. Hirsch to restate his argument so many times, hardly anyone could miss it. But that is exactly Mr. Hirsch's point. He is talking pure common sense; no one but a professional educator could fail to understand.

First, the good news. Most schools have finally gotten back to teaching young children to sound out words syllable by syllable -- after a long, dismal fling with "whole word" techniques in which new readers were supposed to ingest entire words at a time, like gulping a hamburger in one bite. Word-gulping has proved to be a bad way to master basic reading.

Then Mr. Hirsch gets down to business: Every educated citizen must understand America's "standard language." Children of less well-educated parents are least likely to speak this language at home -- so they must learn it at school. The author suggests that children deliver impromptu classroom talks regularly. Learning to speak well -- to organize words into cogent sentences on the fly -- helps students learn to write, which helps them learn to read.

Mr. Hirsch explains in detail why children must learn facts and not just abstract "reading techniques." Why they must read substantial, interesting pieces and not the trivial tripe modern schools prefer. Why teachers must stick to the point and not veer aimlessly from topic to topic. He argues that local control of schools and curricula is an American tradition that is no longer worth having; better for the nation as a whole to agree in detail on what all students should know. Anyway, Mr. Hirsch argues, allowing each school district to go its own way is unfair to students in a country where families are constantly on the move.

"The Knowledge Deficit" is indispensable, but it can be a chore to read. The writing is awkward. "American teachers now take it as a matter of course," writes Mr. Hirsch, "that in the same classroom they must teach students who have gained and who have not gained the most basic knowledge they need to understand what is to be taught."

And even though the author sees the problem clearly, he has strange ideas about the cause. Mainly he blames "the curse of romantic ideas." That's swinging a pretty broad sword. True, romantic thinkers of the 18th and 19th centuries went in for "natural" vs. man-made education. But a Goethe or a Heine, a Blake or a Wordsworth, assumed that his readers would sail effortlessly on a deep sea of literary and historical allusion. "Light-winged Dryad of the trees," Keats calls his nightingale, and famously compares himself to Ruth amid the alien corn. Don't blame America's crackpot ed-school theories on these fellows.

So who is responsible? Mr. Hirsch "was disappointed to discover," he writes in all innocence, that his ideas have been opposed "not only by the powerful anticontent traditions of the education schools but also by many university intellectuals."

Ever since left-leaning intellectuals took over academia in the 1950s and '60s, the intelligentsia's viewpoint and the U.S. School Establishment's have been identical. Today's deep academic thinkers want to soar into abstract, theoretical realms, not bog down in the concrete and the merely factual. Educators want to follow right behind. And American schoolchildren continue to pay the price.

Mr. Gelernter is a professor at Yale and a national fellow of the American Enterprise Institute.


 


May 03, 2006, 6:55 a.m.
National Review Online
Charter Progress
What has worked, and what hasn’t.
By Chester E. Finn Jr. & Michael Petrilli

Over the past decade, champions of bold K-12 education reform, ourselves included, have often termed charter schools the most promising innovation, and indeed they are. If chartering is embraced and replicated by the traditional public-education system, the impact will be profound. So it’s fitting that this week—National Charter Schools Week—educators, reformers, and policymakers are examining where the charter movement stands and where it’s headed.


We’ve noticed three main trends.  First, charter schools are educationally diverse (though they can be grouped into useful categories). Second, they face severe obstacles, both financial (see “Charter School Finance: Inequity’s Next Frontier”) and political (here’s one such example). Third, and perhaps most importantly, authorization—that is, the act of chartering or licensing these schools—is the most important factor in creating high-quality charter schools (see our new report by researcher Rebecca Gau, Trends in Charter School Authorizing).


To be sure, there’s little you can find in charter schools that doesn’t also exist somewhere in the vast and varied world of public and private schools. But the practice of authorizing new public schools—allowing them to open, overseeing their progress, even shutting them down if necessary, but not actually running them as traditional public schools are—is entirely new. This different approach to school regulation points to a promising “third way” between the laissez-faire approach of most voucher programs and the crippling red tape of the traditional school system. Getting the balance right is hard, but this is essential if charter schools are to thrive, and if the charter movement is to fulfill its great promise.

How many of today’s charter “authorizers” are doing it right? To find out, we surveyed all of them and asked how they tackled their jobs. The results are illuminating.

We learned, for example, that when authorizers don’t renew a charter school’s contract, it’s usually for academic reasons. This is how it’s supposed to be, but it flies in the face of conventional wisdom. Charter friends and critics alike have complained in recent years that authorizers don’t take strong enough action to terminate academically failing schools. Yet our data indicate that’s exactly what they’re doing. A good thing, too—the charter movement’s credibility depends on bad schools not continuing.

As for closing schools before their contracts are up, authorizers typically act not because of low test scores, but because schools are self-destructing financially or organizationally.  This, too, is appropriate. Raising student achievement takes time, and, except in unusual circumstances, new schools deserve the three to five years of their contracts to prove that they can do this. But if a school is falling apart or children are in harm’s way, patience is not in order.

Authorizers are also becoming choosier on the front end, deciding less frequently to grant new charters. Over the past two years, they’ve become significantly more selective, lowering the national approval rate from 70 percent in 2003 to approximately 50 percent today. Contrary to what we expected to find, state-mandated caps on the creation of new schools turn out not to be the main reason for this; authorizers in states both with and without caps have reduced their approval rates similarly.

This is healthy. It’s hard to run a successful charter school, and, while authorizers should remain open to promising but unproven approaches, they are right to be skeptical about half-baked ideas or wannabe school leaders who lack the educational or business acumen to get the job done. It’s important that authorizers feel comfortable saying no.

This study’s other major finding is less surprising and less welcome: almost half of all authorizers practice limited oversight of their schools, demonstrating scant concern either for school quality (e.g., not screening applicants rigorously and not holding schools accountable for student achievement, etc.) or for compliance (by ensuring fiduciary responsibility, enforcing federal laws, etc.). At the other end of the spectrum, 31 percent of authorizers are aggressive about both quality and compliance.

Only one in ten authorizers practices the “tight-loose” model upon which the original charter concept rests: a strong focus on quality and results coupled with a more laid back approach towards compliance and procedure. What happened to the mantra, “Accountability in return for autonomy”?

What happened was that reality hit hard. Experience authorizing charter schools in Ohio speedily revealed that we needed to be as concerned about the niggling details of finance and regulation as about achievement and accountability. After all, if a school is accused of fiscal malfeasance or procedural missteps, the political reaction can be swift and severe. Thus, authorizers committed to quality education soon learn to be attentive to compliance issues. 

The least enthusiastic and most numerous authorizers are traditional school districts. Only a handful of them are serious about quality and compliance, and practically none would recognize the “tight-loose” model if it landed in their laps. Lawmakers need to understand this, since the public-education establishment ceaselessly presses them to restrict authorizing to local school systems. 

Who takes authorizing more seriously? After reviewing all seven types of authorizers, we conclude that nonprofit organizations and independent chartering boards—like the one Congress created in the District of Columbia—show the greatest promise. They engage in chartering by choice, not coercion, have ample resources to draw from (financial and human), and can skillfully navigate the treacherous politics of charter authorizing. As more of them jump into the chartering fray, let us hope they continue to succeed at scale.

Now that we know that many authorizers neglect their fundamental oversight duties, it is clear that legislators should give this weighty responsibility to organizations that want it and take it seriously. We wouldn’t force educators to start a charter school against their will; the same rule should apply to authorizers. That’s the best way to make sure that the charter-school movement grows in quality and quantity in the years to come—and that National Charter Schools Week is worth celebrating.

 

—Chester E. Finn, Jr. and Michael J. Petrilli are president and vice-president, respectively, of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute

Center For Education Reform Newswire Special National Charter Schools Week Edition - Day 3
Vol. 8, No. 22
May 3, 2006
NEWSWEEK JOINS THE CHORUS


As Newswire and thousands of charter school advocates across the country use National Charter Schools Week to shine the spotlight on charter school success, Newsweek's latest Top 1,000 High Schools feature is giving the movement some added illumination. Set to hit the newsstands on Monday, Newsweek named 11 charter schools to this year's list. BASIS Charter in Tucson, Arizona was the highest ranked charter school, earning the number three spot. Looking at schools' ability to prepare students for college, Newsweek divided the number of Advanced Placement (AP) and International Baccalaureate (IB) classes taken at a school by the number of graduating seniors to rank the schools. BASIS Charter boasts 100 percent of graduating seniors with at least one passing grade on an AP or IB test. While charter schools make up 4 percent of the nation's public schools, 6 percent of the Top 100 schools were charter schools. The schools named in the Top 1,000 list, in order, were: BASIS Charter (3); North Hills (12); Raleigh Charter (53); Signature School (54); Black River (55); YES College Prep Southeast (87); Charter School of Wilmington (124); Walton (177); Palisades Charter (242); Chamblee Charter (268); Gateway (935).

CHARTERS ARE AWESOME. Education Secretary Margaret Spellings took the podium at the opening session of her department's charter school showcase Monday and gave high praise to charter schools, telling the more than 350 education luminaries assembled that charters are just "awesome." But even more on target was her statement that showed the idiocy of artificial caps: "It just doesn't seem right that in this great country of ours, winning the lottery is what it takes to make sure that your child gets a good education," said Spellings.

Center For Education Reform
May 2, 2006
Press Release
CER Launches National Charter School of the Year Award 


 
Washington, D.C., May 2, 2006 – Charter school students are outperforming conventional public school students in cities across the country. More than a million students who were stuck in our nation's failing public schools have found new life in charter schools. To recognize the innovation, accountability, and achievement of these new public schools, The Center for Education Reform (CER) is proud to announce the creation of the National Charter School of the Year Award. The year-long review process will culminate in a gala event during the 2007 National Charter Schools Week. The winning school will receive $10,000, a trophy, and will be featured in CER's National Charter School of the Year program.


"There are more than 3,600 charter schools across the country providing innovative opportunities for children who have been overlooked by the conventional public school system," said CER founder and president Jeanne Allen. "It's about time these schools were given the national recognition they deserve."

Using several criteria, including test results, graduation rates, and other successes, every participating charter school will be reviewed and ranked by a blue-ribbon panel of education providers, experts, and researchers. All of the nation's charter schools will receive a National Charter School of the Year Award survey before the end of the summer. Schools will have until December 1, 2006 to complete their survey and present the appropriate data online or through the mail to be considered for the award.

Charter schools are innovative, public schools designed by educators, parents or civic leaders that are open by choice, accountable for results, and free from most rules and regulations governing conventional public schools. Today, more than 3,600 charter schools serve more than a million children in forty states and the District of Columbia.

Following the presentation of the award during next year's National Charter Schools Week, CER will release the National Charter School of the Year program with an in-depth cover story on the winning school, followed by data on the top 100 charter schools in the nation. To ensure that this award is recognized by the President, CER will seek the assistance of the Department of Education and the White House.

"Our polling over the last two years has shown that the public is still uninformed on the issue of charter schools," said Allen. "We hope that this program will shine the spotlight on these innovative schools and will provide CER with more comprehensive data to promote education reform across the country."

Check www.edreform.com in the coming weeks for more information about the National Charter School of the Year Award, or email cer@edreform.com.
 


Center for Education Reform Newswire
Vol. 8, No. 20
May 1, 2006
* Special National Charter Schools Week Edition *

When the first charter school opened its doors in 1992, even the most optimistic education reformer could not have predicted the success and growth these innovative public schools have seen in the last 15 years. Charter schools have experience double-digit annual growth since the mid 1990s. Currently more than 3,600 schools serve over a million students in 40 states and the District of Columbia, with thousands of students on waiting lists.

But as charter schools grow and demand swells, the public remains uninformed about these innovative and accountable public schools. After two years of nationwide polling, The Center for Education Reform has discovered that only 20 percent of those surveyed can correctly identify a charter school as a public school. However, support grows with knowledge. Once charter schools are identified as accountable, independent public schools designed by educators, parents and others, 92 percent of respondents said they support the concept.

With support for charter schools from all political parties - Republicans (87%), Democrats (74%), and Independents (70%) - it is the charter school community's job to get the word out to the public. This National Charter Schools Week, reach out to a friend, relative, or neighbor and tell them to Visit a Charter School Today. 

Spreading Success One Charter at a Time

The obstacles charter schools face on a daily basis can be daunting. From hostile school districts and teachers unions to weak charter school laws, starting and operating a charter school is not for the faint of heart. But all across the country charter schools are overcoming the hurdles to provide a better education for all children. Here are some examples of these charter school successes:

GOING PLACES. Why travel the world if you can get a global experience at your school? The students of Charter Conservatory for Liberal Arts and Technology are learning about the world with hands-on experiences every day. From meeting foreign college students and talking with them about their home countries to raising $1,200 in the Relay for Life to save acres of rain forest, the students get an education that allows them to look beyond Statesboro, Georgia. With the help of a Learn and Serve Grant, the students used all of their global knowledge for their "Walk Around the World" project, which featured each area of the school as a different continent. Over 300 visitors were treated to a rainforest, sushi, an Italian gondola ride, and a visit to a Native American village. With all of the places these children have gone with their imagination and the school's innovative curriculum, there is no doubt they will be going places when they graduate.

DRIVING EXCELLENCE. Not everyone can see the link between the automobile industry and charter schools, but a businessman certainly can. And that's what brought Denso Corp., an affiliate of Toyota, to the town of Osceola, Arkansas. Denso saw that the town's educational system was improving with the help of Osceola Academic Center of Excellence and moved in with the hopes of recruiting some of the next generation of well-educated charter school students. Like good businessmen, they looked at the data. They saw that 6th graders at Osceola Academic Center of Excellence were scoring more than 10 points above students in conventional Arkansas public schools in standardized math tests. The future looks bright for those 6th graders and for the companies lucky enough to scoop up these bright students.

BEING HEARD. With the help of a grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation "What Kids Can Do" program, Jenny Williams, Alex Jacobson and Aaron Klein of Minnesota North Star Academy are making dining out a little bit easier for deaf patrons across the country. A charter school for the deaf and hard-of-hearing, Minnesota North Star Academy teaches students with American Sign Language and English and encourages school projects. Jenny, Alex, and Aaron took the project to the national level, working with T.G.I. Friday's to create a training video and campaign to help restaurants better accommodate deaf patrons. The program is being picked up by the nation's more than 500 T.G.I. Friday's restaurants.

THEY'RE CRAFTY. Four Rivers Charter Public School, a 7-12 grade charter school in Greenfield, Massachusetts was built around the importance of craftsmanship. The school looks at craftsmanship as anything from writing, reading, and revising a paper to making sure the font and heading is correct. It is that meticulous attention to detail without stifling creativity that has allowed the eighth graders to accomplish what nobody would expect of children their age. The students have written and published a collection of original fables accompanied by their own artwork and illustrations. The creativity and hard work of the current students attracted a waiting list of more than 100 children in the school's admissions lottery on February 28.

MUSIC CITY MODEL. Nashville's first charter school, Smithson-Craighead Academy, has set the bar high for charter schools in the city. The school's TCAP scores jumped 28 percent in reading, 24 percent in math, 19.7 percent in science, and 20 percent in social studies in 2005. As a school chartered to help students previously enrolled in low performing schools, it seems Smithson-Craighead Academy has figured out how to help the children perform.

DID YOU KNOW? … The nation's first charter school, City Academy in St. Paul, Minnesota, opened in 1992. Today, the school is still going strong, serving more than 100 at-risk students in a low-income neighborhood. According to the Minnesota Department of Education, City Academy has a 97 percent graduation rate.


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